Meanwhile there are people in the comments saying this is the end of our democracy lol
btw - this thread is hilarious, thank you thank you thank you
If a president took a bribe for a position, prosecute him for taking a bribe (if it's not a gratuity, because Congress has declared tipping politicians legal.) But if he could have made the same decision because he liked someone's tie - it's nothing but second guessing, by a likely hostile later administration.
These people appoint all their campaign staff and big donors to government jobs. If that's legal, then any reason for anything they do which is left up to their discretion is legal. If it's not legal, have Congress make it not legal.
-----
edit: gaganyaan, you are wrong. If you think that the entire point is that a president cannot be prosecuted for taking a bribe, you should reevaluate your understanding of the entire point.
> Under Monday’s decision, a former president could be prosecuted for accepting a bribe, but prosecutors could not mention the official act, the appointment, in their case.
> Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who joined the rest of Roberts’ opinion, parted company on this point. “The Constitution does not require blinding juries to the circumstances surrounding conduct for which Presidents can be held liable,” Barrett wrote.
Why not. The vice president exists for a reason? Here in Europe, in the entirety of Europe, if a president or prime minister commits a crime, they will be prosecuted. If we can do it, why can't the USA?
After all, no one is above the law.
If anything, the more power you have, the more scrutiny you should be under.
It's telling that even such a minor "to be sure" as hers couldn't carry enough support to actually be in the opinion.
they can still be impeached and removed from office for basically any reason whatsoever. Maybe the won't goto jail but their presidency would be over.
There have been multiple awful titles of for this ruling, yours was exactly correct.
During tenure, he can only be impeached for anti-constitutional acts, and the only punishment if found guilty is removal from office.
All in all, it sounds quite similar to this SCOTUS ruling, but of course, the consequences for the world are mitigated by the fact that globally, our president is a very, very small player.
https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24785411-trump-v-uni...
https://www.scotusblog.com/2024/07/justices-rule-trump-has-s...
Da da da da-da, da-da-da-da daayyy-ya-da, da-da da da da-dayyy-ya da
In all our legislative executive and judicial war, there seems to be less and less reason for restraint, for avoiding constitutional crisis, and to grab power by whatever means so that the other side does not. This ruling by the Supreme Court, as many people are commenting on social media, creating Powers Biden too, and there seems little reason not for Biden to pack the court, for the Senate to go to majority rule and rid themselves of the filibuster.
If we keep pushing the boundaries we will fall, or we will reconfigure.
Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office,
[...]
The President, Vice President and all Civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
How does the comma matter in contracts?This:
"Impeachment for, and Conviction of"
Is distinct in meaning from this: "Impeachment for and Conviction of"
Furthermore: "Judgement in cases of Impeachment"
Is not: "Conviction in cases of Impeachment"
Doesn't this then imply that "Judgement in cases of Impeachment" (i.e. by the Senate) is distinct from "Conviction"?Such would imply that presidents can be Impeached and Judged, and Convicted.
(Furthermore, it clear that the founders' intent was not to create an immune King.)
Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office,
[...]
The President, Vice President and all Civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
> Such would imply that presidents can be Impeached and Judged, and Convicted.Convicted just as other citizens with Limited Privileges and Immunities.
OPINION: In the US Constitution, removal upon "Impeachment for" is distinct from removal for "Conviction of". Thereby there is removal from office for both: a) Impeachment by the Judgement of the House and Senate, and also by b) Conviction by implied existing criminal procedure for non-immune acts including "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors."
Conviction is not wrought through Impeachment by the House & Senate, who can only remove from office.
Neither is Arrest Removal from Office, nor is Removal from Office Arrest.
Thereby, a President (like all other citizens) can be Convicted and then Impeached.
That the Executive's own DOJ doesn't prosecute a sitting President is simply a courtesy.
Impeachment process takes time, and in that window, the president can do whatever. POTUS can even mobilize the army (an official power) to block congress from meeting, since apparently the motive behind the use of official power doesn't matter. If they can't meet, how are they going to impeach.
Edit: My example was going to be if the President addressed the nation and declared himself to be king… but Biden literally just did that, reluctantly accepting that he was beyond the review of the courts and accountable to no one but himself.
Any and all communications outside of the executive order would not be admissible as evidence even if the DOJ did want to prosecute!
The problem is what will democratic presidents do with this fundamental alteration of the three “equal” branches that now leaves Congress as the weakest link.
What will republican presidents do?
And of course, what would Trump do?
I think front and center is Stephen Miller’s desire to reverse that future demographic by either incarcerating or deporting anyone that isn’t white or even sympathetic to a white nationalist movement.
This is real people. And very frightening.
I find it particularly concerning regarding the military. The President is Commander in Chief, and thus any orders he gives or attempts to give to the military would be undeniably official acts. This was even brought up in oral arguments, where it was asked of Trump's council "if the President ordered Seal Team 6 to assassinate a political rival, would that be considered an official act?" I find it absolutely terrifying that this possibility was brought up, and any mention of the military is conspicuously absent from the majority decision, even in passing (though Sotomayor explicitly brings it up in her dissent).
The most concerning part is how this decision is being made entirely on constitutional grounds. At least in the case of Rowe v Wade being overturned, we have the possible remedy of Congress passing a law enshrining the right to an abortion. But here, there is no legislation Congress could pass to create criminal liability for the President, no executive action. The only option would be a constitutional amendment.
I think we have fundamentally different views of the Executive's role. We have 3 branches of government, and the President is the guy who enforces the law. The Justice department is not a 4th branch of government.
At least, that's what I think should be the case. The majority in this case disagree. They seem to think that any usage of the powers of President is free from any criminal liability.
> Please don't post comments saying that HN is turning into Reddit. It's a semi-noob illusion, as old as the hills.
(I'd like to think that there's no way it's an "official act" of a president, but again, IANAL.)
The court is granting him blanket immunity on one count, and the rest the prosecutors need to clarify that the crimes were outside of the duty of his office.
> Donald Trump’s legal team will likely use Monday’s SCOTUS opinion as they challenge the New York hush money criminal verdict itself on appeal, a source familiar with their thinking tells CNN.
> Trump’s team thinks the SCOTUS option could be used to challenge portions of Hope Hicks testimony as well as some of the tweets entered in as evidence, according to the source familiar.
> CNN earlier reported the Trump team sees the opinion as “a major victory” because in addition to using it to try to get charges tossed, they can also use this opinion to get evidence related to official acts tossed in all cases — not just federal — which can hurt prosecutors’ ability to prove what charges are left.
Until the system can be reformed to deter and slow such radical acts, there would be no hope of stability of the United States.
My out-of-my-ass fix is that each Justice is on an 18-year term. Every two years one Justice is replaced. Two per Presidential term.
Makes it legitimately fair. Elect a President, get two Justices. None of this "one corrupt game-show host accidentally gets to appoint half the Court" horseshit.
> The interest of the man must be connected with the constitutional rights of the place. It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government. But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.
> A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions. This policy of supplying, by opposite and rival interests, the defect of better motives, might be traced through the whole system of human affairs, private as well as public. ... But it is not possible to give to each department an equal power of self-defense. ...The remedy for this inconveniency is to divide the legislature into different branches; and to render them, by different modes of election and different principles of action, as little connected with each other as the nature of their common functions and their common dependence on the society will admit. It may even be necessary to guard against dangerous encroachments by still further precautions. As the weight of the legislative authority requires that it should be thus divided, the weakness of the executive may require, on the other hand, that it should be fortified.
This right here is talking about why there is the separation of powers. This is the reason judges are supposed to be without party. But we all know that this is a facade. But of course it is, when we see how these judges are appointed. How could it be any other way? The recognition here is that there are no perfect solutions as to optimize towards one thing results in a worse outcome (see the other parts of the writing).I think not enough people have read the Federalist papers. They are an important context to why the US was founded and what problems it was trying to solve. Littered throughout them are discussions of how power creeps and how functions couple. How government can do great good but at the same time great harm. They reiterate the notion that liberty is hard work and many of the writers fear things like parties as they are not only concentrations of power but umbrellas to remove thinking. You can see them wrestle with ideas and that they know they aren't getting them right, but instead try to set a framework that can course correct to adapt to the unknown unknowns.
But however you read them, I think you can and will read that such a conclusion is precisely the thing they were trying to stop. There is no ambiguity in this. They were fighting against monarchs who have written into the law that they are above the law. At least as it pertains to others. And so that's what that phrase means "no one is above the law" that not so literally (because making a law that makes special cases for you would not technically make you "above" the law, but part of it), but rather that the laws apply equally to all peoples and entities. That there are no special cases because there are no "to big to fail" and "too important to prosecute". Because the belief is that if it is wrong for one man to commit an act, then it is wrong for any man to commit such an act.
[0] Federalist 51: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/fed51.asp
- Actions within the President's conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority: Absolute immunity, in accordance with constitutional separation of powers.
- Other actions done within an official capacity: Presumptive (though not full) immunity, to "to safe-guard the independence and effective functioning of the Executive Branch, and to enable the President to carry out his constitutional duties without undue caution."
- Unofficial actions: No immunity.
Who is the arbiter of whether an action is official or unofficial? The courts, according to the ruling: "The Court accordingly remands to the District Court to determine in the first instance whether Trump’s conduct in this area qualifies as official or unofficial." In this case, a very liberal judge appointed by Obama.
One may disagree with the ruling, but it does not, as Sotomayor (who recently has been making more public and political appearances than is appropriate for someone of her position [2]) states, give the president the ability to drone strike his political opponent.
[1] https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
[2] https://www.cnn.com/2024/05/24/politics/sotomayor-crying-sup...
All this case says is we shouldn't leave a President's legal culpability for any given action up to prosecutorial discretion. If they're using their official powers they're not culpable, if they're acting outside the bounds of their powers they should be prosecuted.
The actual problem is that the President has too much power, not that the next administration should have the right to prosecute them for exercising it.
The entirety of lawyerdom? I think I'll trust their take on it rather than bland, disingenuous dismissals.
> Unable to muster any meaningful textual or historical support, the principal dissent suggests that there is an “established understanding” that “former Presidents are answerable to the criminal law for their official acts.” Post, at 9. Conspicuously absent is mention of the fact that since the founding, no President has ever faced criminal charges—let alone for his conduct in office. And accordingly no court has ever been faced with the question of a President’s immunity from prosecution. All that our Nation’s practice establishes on the subject is silence.
Literally on the next page, here's Roberts arguing that though something has never happened (criminal prosecution of a former president) it is very likely to happen:
> The dissents overlook the more likely prospect of an Executive Branch that cannibalizes itself, with each successive President free to prosecute his predecessors, yet unable to boldly and fearlessly carry out his duties for fear that he may be next. For instance, Section 371—which has been charged in this case—is a broadly worded criminal statute that can cover “ ‘any conspiracy for the purpose of impairing, obstructing or defeating the lawful function of any department of Government.’ ” United States v. Johnson, 383 U. S. 169, 172 (1966) (quoting Haas v. Henkel, 216 U. S. 462, 479 (1910)). Virtually every President is criticized for insufficiently enforcing some aspect of federal law (such as drug, gun, immigration, or environmental laws). An enterprising prosecutor in a new administration may assert that a previous President violated that broad statute. Without immunity, such types of prosecutions of ex-Presidents could quickly become routine. The enfeebling of the Presidency and our Government that would result from such a cycle of factional strife is exactly what the Framers intended to avoid.
Just like, full on embarrassing. These guys need better clerks or something.
In the worst case they might have to resign before being impeached but at that point they are permanently immune.
Germany 1933.
I think you should get out more. There is nothing exceptional about HN other than there's a lot less eyes on it.
So the President's job is to faithfully execute the law, but he is allowed to break the law while he's executing the law? C'mon.
But practically they've made the President a dictator, so yeah who's going to stop him if he wins.
There’s definitely nothing legally stopping the president from doing this. This was the Saturday Night Massacre.
The only thing that can stop this is public perception and the threat of impeachment then removal by the Senate.
Ford famously pardoned Nixon, which would imply he believed Nixon would be subject to potential criminal liability. And I believe that should be the case.
> The only thing that can stop this is public perception and the threat of impeachment then removal by the Senate.
That’s certainly what the Supreme Court majority believes. I think that is woefully insufficient. You can abuse the powers of the President all you like, and the worst thing that can happen to you is you don’t get to be President anymore. If that’s the case, on the last day of their term, a President can simply say “selling pardons, $1M each”. The president will walk away rich, those pardons can’t be overturned by a future president, and Congress wouldn’t be able to impeach and remove them in enough time for it to matter.
The movie “Vice” explains well what this is about.
It’s was originally imploded by President George W Bush.
—-
SCOTUS essentially ruled in favor of this theory.
The notion that former heads of state have some sort of immunity for official acts is also common in developed countries: https://oxcon.ouplaw.com/display/10.1093/law-mpeccol/law-mpe...
“Functional immunity applies to both sitting and former heads of state; however, this immunity is available to such individuals solely with respect to acts performed in their official capacity (Fox 667).”
This notion is the core of the supreme court’s holding in this case.
Same question applies to either party when they push stuff like this.
Some are saying it is broader than it is because they want charges to be dismissed. Others are saying it's broader because they want a more powerful executive. Others are saying it try to make the court look bad, or to get votes. Some are saying it because they're mistaken / confused. On 4 out of 5 counts, the court remanded for further proceedings without deciding whether Trump has immunity. All of these voices could have easily come out with a different take, claiming victory and saying he will likely be convicted on most counts.
Major questions doctrine: Something conservatives on the Superme Court came up with to defeat any government action they don't like.
Well yes. And since the Supreme Court just clarified the law... Isn't THIS White House the first that might use what was until now a misunderstanding?
It all falls apart and gets too complicated to regulate when the assumption is that you can't trust the person in office.
- https://www.lawandchaospod.com/p/ep-43-well-so-much-for-the-...
- (non-paywall link) https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/ep-43-well-so-much-for...
But to somewhat address the sentiment: We can replace the machines and keep the line operators.
edit: Not sure now, should the government be considered the people running the country or the formula?
Hoboy, I hope there's not another round of Trump...
No one and nothing should be above the law, even temporarily, period. That just opens up so many cans of worms.
Is it even possible for the President to break the law? What would that look like?
A president's internal planning and discussions with his team are are at least granted "presumed" immunity unless the prosecutor can establish that the act in question fell outside of the office. So for the President pressuring Pence to uncertify the election results, prosecutors would need to make a case that it was outside of his power to do so - the reasoning behind it is largely irrelevant.
When it comes to interactions with external groups - be it local election officials or even the press/media - prosecutors need to establish whether the president was acting on an official basis or an unofficial basis. (And they are clear that the president acting on behalf of his party or his campaign would be unofficial).
> "The President enjoys no immunity for his unofficial acts, and not everything the President does is official. The President is not above the law. But under our system of separated powers, the President may not be prosecuted for exercising his core constitutional powers, and he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for his official acts."
My reading of the decision is that of the four counts against Trump, three can proceed so long as prosecutors can make a case the actions were not official acts.
We can't protect democracy by throwing it out the door, and hoping you still get elected come fall. If Biden would take advantage of this ruling in a way the American public doesn't like, he won't be elected. So he would have to further throw out democracy the way Trump is comfortable doing, by ignoring the election results.
But enough Americans seem to be leaning towards re-electing Trump such that he'll have 4 more years in office to perform official acts to his heart's content and set himself up for whatever he has in mind by the end of his term, January 2029.
Starting on page 44 of the opinion, Thomas makes some very good points.
I write separately to highlight another way in which this prosecution may violate our constitutional structure. In this case, the Attorney General purported to appoint a private citizen as Special Counsel to prosecute a former President on behalf of the United States. But, I am not sure that any office for the Special Counsel has been “established by Law,” as the Constitution requires. Art. II, §2, cl. 2. By requiring that Congress create federal offices “by Law,” the Constitution imposes an important check against the President—he cannot create offices at his pleasure. If there is no law establishing the office that the Special Counsel occupies, then he cannot proceed with this prosecution. A private citizen cannot criminally prosecute anyone, let alone a former President.
No former President has faced criminal prosecution for his acts while in office in the more than 200 years since the founding of our country. And, that is so despite numerous past Presidents taking actions that many would argue constitute crimes. If this unprecedented prosecution is to proceed, it must be conducted by someone duly authorized to do so by the American people. The lower courts should thus answer these essential questions concerning the Special Counsel’s appointment before proceeding.
...
Even if the Special Counsel has a valid office, questions remain as to whether the Attorney General filled that office in compliance with the Appointments Clause. For example, it must be determined whether the Special Counsel is a principal or inferior officer. If the former, his appointment is invalid because the Special Counsel was not nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate, as principal officers must be. Art. II, §2, cl. 2. Even if he is an inferior officer, the Attorney General could appoint him without Presidential nomination and senatorial confirmation only if “Congress . . . by law vest[ed] the Appointment” in the Attorney General as a “Hea[d] of Department.” Ibid. So, the Special Counsel’s appointment is invalid unless a statute created the Special Counsel’s office and gave the Attorney General the power to fill it “by Law.”
Whether the Special Counsel’s office was “established by Law” is not a trifling technicality. If Congress has not reached a consensus that a particular office should exist, the Executive lacks the power to unilaterally create and then fill that office. Given that the Special Counsel purports to wield the Executive Branch’s power to prosecute, the consequences are weighty. Our Constitution’s separation of powers, including its separation of the powers to create and filled offices, is “the absolutely central guarantee of a just Government” and the liberty that it secures for us all. Morrison, 487 U. S., at 697 (Scalia, J., dissenting). There is no prosecution that can justify imperiling it.The same actions committed by two different presidents could vary hugely in their motive - one might be legitimately concerned about voter fraud and the other trying to interfere maliciously with election results.
Admittedly the bar would be high to prove malicious intent (eg. acting out of self interest rather than in the interests of the office/country) but that still seems better than just saying that a given action, regardless of motive, is covered by immunity.
> In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives
Change isn't necessarily a bad thing... Imagine if we had a new court every four years and one of them behaved like the current SCOTUS, overturning over a hundred years of precedent basically every chance they get. The damage could be undone just as quickly.
I would consider this an extreme knee jerk take, but it's Sotomayor saying it.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/05/17/giuliani-...
What do you think is something a president does? Is starting a war an official act? Or appointing your own supreme court? Persecuting insurrectionists?
Who will judge this once the ball gets going? The judges now appointed by you?
Because I don't believe it was supposed to be able to basically override the Legislative Branch. Just like the Executive Branch wasn't supposed to have unchecked power as long as it's "Official" business.
How were the three Branches intended to keep each of the other in check?
An individual can be bad, but where they are, a group can generally be relied upon to rein them in. Groups can also be bad, but generally when individuals are removed from a group context, better sense prevails.
Juries balance the judge, just as the judge balances out the jury.
The Senate balances the House, just as the House balances the Senate.
The President only found balance in the checks of the other two branches, and the good sense and consciences of the electors in the Electoral College, who were empowered to be able to ignore the popular vote if upon vote casting time, their good sense deemed otherwise once they were removed from the influence of group dynamics.
Bad groups tend to scape goat individuals until their next rodeo.
And if the Republicans get their way with Project 2025, by all interpretations they'll create a King.
> The whole separation of powers thing presumes that an individual is bad, but groups are less bad.
It assumes at its core that even if individuals may pursue bad goals, that the larger society/organizations like parties or officials like the Electoral College will curtail their attempts.
Unfortunately, neither of these assumptions held true when faced with a demagogue like Trump.
No. Separation of powers comes down to "never give anybody power that someone else cannot block". That "someone else" needs to be independent, too - that's the "separation" part.
No, that's not what the existing laws or system rests on.
The system rests on the fact that the Commander in Chief is an elected representative, and therefore their actions represent the will of the people. Washington Post might not think he is rational. A random Judge might not think he is rational. You might not personally think he is rational. What is "rational" is determined at the ballot box, or via the impeachment process in the legislature.
Also, the fact that other Presidents did illegal shit and we didn't prosecute them, thus they are above the law is also absurd.
The current ruling whips out the, "there's nothing in the constitution stating we can do things we've always done" when its convenient, then goes on to say, "we've always been doing it this way, implying it's in the constitution" when its convenient.
what, pray tell, is a "private prosecutor"?
> The President enjoys no immunity for his unofficial acts, and not everything the President does is official. The President is not above the law. But Congress may not criminalize the President’s conduct in carrying out the responsibilities of the Executive Branch under the Constitution. And the system of separated powers designed by the Framers has always demanded an energetic, independent Executive. The President therefore may not be prosecuted for exercising his core constitutional powers, and he is entitled, at a minimum, to a presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts.
https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
EDIT: OP left a reply to this comment that I think was unfairly flagged, visible here with showdead:
In theory, some prosector could have decided to charge Obama with a crime, and maybe even achieved a conviction in a jurisdiction where he's unpopular.
This decision says that shouldn't happen because it was an official act as president.
Of course, if congress doesn't like something a president is doing, they can change the laws and remove his or her legal authority to do something.
What does that even mean if it's impossible to prosecute the President? What does that even mean?
> the court has left nearly no sphere in which the president can be said to be acting “unofficially.” And more importantly, the court has left virtually no vector of evidence that can be deployed against a president to prove that their acts were “unofficial.” If trying to overthrow the government is “official,” then what isn’t? And if we can’t use the evidence of what the president says or does, because communications with their advisers, other government officials, and the public is “official,” then how can we ever show that an act was taken “unofficially?”
The silence from the people who once decried the 'activist court' now that it's an ally of the slow fascist transformation is deafening.
> In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives.
So the hypo cannot be trivially resolved by treating the kill order as an unofficial act. Instead, for the president to be _criminally_ liable, I think (as not-a-lawyer) it has to be resolved by piercing 'presumptive immunity' for actions beyond the core powers. While there's a needle to thread, it feels disturbingly narrow.
That seems like the majority opinion agrees.
It'd be hard to argue that commanding the military wasn't an official act of the president under the Constitution even if that command was to Navy's Seal Team 6 asking them to assassinate a political rival for reasons of "national security"
EDIT: This ruling probably retroactively clears Nixon from Watergate. It would make it illegal to use the tapes as evidence against him.
I’m also skeptical of her dissent strategy; dissents are key places to limit a ruling. Why not just say what seems crystal clear and say ‘nothing about this ruling should be taken to mean calling something an official act as a fig leaf for criminality is okay; it’s not okay to assassinate a political rival ever.’ Instead she says it might be okay by the ruling. I dislike this approach in the extreme; it feels like grandstanding and complaining about the Roberts court rather than engaging with her own substantial influence.
If a member of Seal Team 6 did assassinate a political rival of the President, would they also be immune from prosecution? To me it sounds like the kind of order they would refuse.
Think about how the Executive handled rival political movements in the past. The Black Panthers. CPUSA circa 1919. Now imagine Fred Hampton had been running for President when he was killed.
The line between "political opponent" and "enemy of the State" can become pretty blurry. This ruling gives the Executive broad power to act in its own interests when it can claim the line is blurry.
Everyone thinks lines don't get crossed, until they do.
This is an opinion that might make sense if we were being asked if a president ordering drone assassinations makes him liable for murder. In the context of the president trying to instigate a coup for not being reelected, to the point that his own government is threatening mass resignation if he carries it out in protest at the sheer unconstitutionality of it... this is the kind of question that almost begs SCOTUS to say "make a narrow ruling as to whether or not this specific instance is permissible" and SCOTUS decides instead to make a grand, sweeping proclamation for all ages and circumstances and neglect to look at the specific facts in this case and leave it unanswered here.
Roberts, let this case be your Dred Scott decision, your Korematsu decision. You've certainly done more to torpedo the credibility of the court in one decision than any other case in the past few decades... and that's saying quite a bit.
> The dissents’ positions in the end boil down to ignoring the Constitution’s separation of powers and the Court’s precedent and instead fear mongering on the basis of extreme hypotheticals about a future where the President “feels empowered to violate federal criminal law.” [...] The dissents overlook the more likely prospect of an Executive Branch that cannibalizes itself...
Also important to note is that the hypothetical didn't sprout from thin air, Trump's lawyers (whose arguments SCOTUS in large part accepted) acknowledged that extrajudicial assassinations would fall under official acts.
https://thehill.com/regulation/court-battles/4398223-trump-t...
(I can't tell whether the OP was confused by this, but the linked Tweet has enough people being confused by it to make it worth mentioning.)
The majority opinion even had the gall to call the prosecutions "hasty" when we're largely talking about things that happened in 2021.
But this decision is so much worse than many (myself included) expected. Not only is there blanket immunity for "official acts" but there is presumptive innocence for anything on the peripherey. Even worse, if something is a statutory or constitutional power of the office of President, the reason does not matter. The reason can't even be considered in deciding if something is an "official act" or not.
So the president has the right to issue pardons with ultimate discretion. If they want to sell pardons, now they can. Why? Because the reason this "official act" happened is irrelevant. That's what the Court decided.
Same for selling judgeships or presidential appointments.
We already have the donor-to-ambassador pipeline [2]. Now we don't even need the ruse of it being a donation. The President can simply sell ambassadorships for personal gain.
That's what this decision did.
[1]: https://www.cadc.uscourts.gov/internet/opinions.nsf/1AC5A0E7...
[2]: https://campaignlegal.org/press-releases/new-campaign-legal-...
"But not for this! This would be clearly corrupt!" you may say, but the decision addresses that as well; the President's motive for the "official act" cannot be introduced as evidence!
> In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives.
What does the judge who reviews the case think?
That's literally the only thing preventing that scenario from playing out.
To the contrary -- this is an explicit example that came up during oral arguments, where a Trump lawyer specifically claimed that indeed, Trump could not be convicted criminally of this (unless he had first been impeached and convicted).
Nowhere in the majority opinion does it try to draw some kind of line against this. And indeed, the President is constitutionally "commander in chief of the Army and Navy of the United States", and the opinion states this authority is "conclusive and preclusive".
Quite simply, according to this decision, anything the president commands the Navy to do, including a Navy Seal, is an official act because it a power explicitly granted by the constitution, and thus immune from prosecution.
To repeat: this specific scenario was brought up during oral arguments, indeed as one of the main arguments that was also widely reported. This is not a far-flung wacko example Sotomayor came up with herself -- it's the very heart of the case. The fact that the opinion does not even attempt to explain why this would still be considered criminal, and the fact the Sotomayor is confirming why it would be allowed, is not a misreading or a mistake. It is clearly intentional and genuinely scary.
Nice bit of jujitsu by Trump's defense. Make an outrageous claim so out of bounds that any one who quotes you sounds like a lunatic.
Surely the critic is exagerating, lying, offbase, or... ? No one would seriously claim they could murder some rando on Fifth Ave in broad daylight and get away with it. Right?!
Results in opponents discrediting themselves.
Brilliant.
> The immunity the Court has recognized therefore extends to the “outer perimeter” of the President’s official responsibilities, covering actions so long as they are “not manifestly or palpably beyond [his] authority.”
I’m hoping that the assassination of a political rival would be “palpably beyond” the authority of the President.
SCOTUS explicitly says you cannot question the motive of a presidents actions when making a determination for what is protected and not.
This seems like a path towards civil war.
[edit] Thinking about a way out of this mess. Here's a proposal.
Biden asserts that he has this right, writes up a new amendment taking the right away, gives a date by which he will take action if the amendment has not been passed.
(Then he should probably resign for effectively blackmailing the legislative branch)
> I would consider this an extreme knee jerk take, but it's Sotomayor saying it.
Wouldn't something like that be essentially an illegal order and therefore invalid? And/or something that would be trivial to fix (e.g pass a law saying it's not within the president's official powers to order a domestic assassination)?
[0] https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/seal-team-6-assassination-hy...
The dissent notes that official acts as a defense is already A Thing. What’s changed is upgrading that to immunity, which means they can’t be tried in the first place, no defense needed. The law is simply held not to apply.
https://www.amnestyusa.org/updates/is-it-legal-for-the-u-s-t...
Yes.
FYI, the court is not saying Trump is granting Trump blanket immunity. For three of the counts the court is saying Trump is probably not immune but prosecutors need to clarify that his acts were outside of the duties of his office.
> Unlike Trump’s alleged interactions with the Justice Department, this alleged conduct cannot be neatly categorized as falling within a particular Presidential function. The necessary analysis is instead fact specific, requiring assessment of numerous alleged interactions with a wide variety of state officials and private persons. And the parties’ brief comments at oral argument indicate that they starkly disagree on the characterization of these allegations. The concerns we noted at the outset—the expedition of this case, the lack of factual analysis by the lower courts, and the absence of pertinent briefing by the parties—thus become more prominent. We accordingly remand to the District Court to determine in the first instance—with the benefit of briefing we lack—whether Trump’s conduct in this area qualifies as official or unofficial.
That's what I said, in different words.
And the last failsafe the founders intended was the populace. Officials found breaking the law or be otherwise unfit of office were supposed to be at the very least not reelected by the populace - and yet, Arpaio was reelected for 24 years in a row, Biden was elected (he was better than Trump, but that doesn't mean someone of his age should have been president!), and Trump will most likely be reelected. The voters share a huge part of the blame.
[1] https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/jul/31/joe-arpaio-c...
Indeed, and practically, probably initiated as part of the 95th or 96th Congress (under Carter), when the Democrats had substantial majorities in both houses and obviously the presidency.
My feeling is that this was not done because doing it removes the threat/opportunity of it getting rolled back, and removing that threat/opportunity lessens the fundraising ability of both parties.
This is what lifetime appointments were intended to address. There's no incentive to rule in the president's favor. Of course, now there's the prospect of gratuity for services rendered.
Look, the president can't do something like start a war without permission from congress. Congress basically delegated that authority to the president. If the president then uses it irresponsibly (as has happened numerous times since congress made this decision) then that's the fault of congress. They can very easily pass legislation requiring a declaration of war and take that power back if they want to.
Is it permissible to disobey an order that you merely believe is unconstitutional? What happens when your superior asserts that it is constitutional?
They’ve also made much of the fact that the presidential authority to pardon is constitutionally unreviewable, so even if the president orders someone to commit a crime, he can pardon them preemptively. His appointment power is similarly in the constitution, so he can also fire and replace them until he finds someone willing to do it.
Are we really left with ‘if the president were to issue illegal orders to his staff, Congress would definitely impeach him’?
For the Nixon tapes, today's SCOTUS ruling would require the prosecution to convince a federal judge before trial that the value of the tapes in the criminal case greatly outweighs the general immunity from oversight presidents have when consulting advisors. Difficult, but not impossible. It probably would've given the same result in the Nixon case, because Nixon didn't use presidential powers to carry out the plan (just the cover up in the Saturday Night Massacre stage). If he had used an active FBI agent instead of a former one to place the bugs, then it might have been OK, according to today's ruling (see III.B.1 which grants immunity to Trump for his sham investigations using the DOJ).
>What official capacity would a seal team six assassination of trump be designated as?
The President is the head of the military and can direct them without consulting Congress. Congress is free to impeach him if he does so without authorization, but he'd have absolute immunity because this is a core power of the office.
Maybe you meant, "What reason could there be to justify that killing in the name of the nation or its people?" In which case, the President would never have to say. His motives are not even allowed to be investigated. See III.A from the majority opinion:
>In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives. Such an inquiry would risk exposing even the most obvious instances of of- ficial conduct to judicial examination on the mere allegation of improper purpose, thereby intruding on the Article II in- terests that immunity seeks to protect.
Given that such acts are banned by law, (deployment of troops on US soil, for instance), how would a President who wanted to assassinate his rival be able to claim this occurred within his official capacity?
I would generally agree with the court that putting justices in charge of weighing Presidential motives isn't really a world we've had or would want. But others of course might disagree.
yeah it seems like a traditional FUD strategy, i would expect Supreme Court justices to be more analytical and sober than that.
> Congress cannot act on, and courts cannot examine, the President’s actions on subjects within his “conclusive and preclusive” constitutional authority. It follows that an Act of Congress — either a specific one targeted at the President or a generally applicable one — may not criminalize the President’s actions within his exclusive constitutional power. Neither may the courts adjudicate a criminal prosecution that examines such Presidential actions.
It's only the executives exclusive powers (which are more limited) that cannot be restrained.
> Whenever the President and Vice President discuss their official responsibilities, they engage in official conduct. Pre- siding over the January 6 certification proceeding at which Members of Congress count the electoral votes is a consti- tutional and statutory duty of the Vice President.
> The indictment’s allega- tions that Trump attempted to pressure the Vice President to take particular acts in connection with his role at the cer- tification proceeding thus involve official conduct, and Trump is at least presumptively immune from prosecution for such conduct.
They're laying out an extremely permissive standard.
Motive can be used to defeat the presumptive immunity for an official act.
Due process is about validating the government's claims before allowing it to kill someone.
I wouldn't have bought that; but alas, no one asked me.
> The dissents overlook the more likely prospect of an Executive Branch that cannibalizes itself, with each successive President free to prosecute his predecessors, yet unable to boldly and fearlessly carry out his duties for fear that he may be next. ... Virtually every President is criticized for insufficiently enforcing some aspect of federal law (such as drug, gun, immigration, or environmental laws). An enterprising prosecutor in a new administration may assert that a previous President violated that broad statute. Without immunity, such types of prosecutions of ex-Presidents could quickly become routine.
Their argument isn't that it's not likely, it's that there's another failure mode that is even more likely.
The US has a long history of relying purely on executive latitude and good faith to get things done. We now have a bad faith actor who wants back in the Oval Office with far fewer restrictions on his power. A lawsuit or criminal charge would absolutely be a good remedy in that situation.
Furthermore, it's the implementation of a system. What the justices of the majority said today is "there is no system". When there is no system to deal with problems, then humans make them up ad-hoc, which usually results in violence, if history is any indicator - and it is.
> Their argument isn't that it's not likely, it's that there's another failure mode that is even more likely.
I know its hard to imagine, but I strongly feel there is some amount of presidential immunity that mitigates what they are worried about without also enabling political assassination.
Because "official actions" doesn't mean "every action" or "every action attempting to use presidential authority," I think it has to be an action exercising the constitutional powers of the president.
For instance: for the purposes of simplicity, lets assume all legislation authorizing the president to take military action without prior congressional approval has been repealed, and the congress has not declared war on anyone or authorized the use of military force in any circumstances. The president then orders Seal Team 6 to assassinate a waitress who spilled coffee on him, ruining his lucky suit. That would be illegal order since the president does not have constitutional authority to take such action on his own without authorization by congress and that authorization does not exist.
How can you prove beyond a reasonable doubt that there was no official basis for an act? Especially when the response is almost certainly going to be, "the reason for the official action is classified".
For example, the CEO hires their clueless spouse to a high paying job and the spouse loses the company a ton of money. That does not sound like the CEO was doing their job, but rather it sounds like they were putting their spouse ahead of the company. Here a lawsuit would certainly be allowed to go forward.
https://www.investopedia.com/terms/b/businessjudgmentrule.as...
In my hypothetical? Because there's no congressional declaration of war or authorization of the use military force against the waitress, which can be determined by reading the journals of the house and senate.
It will take many, many cases to elaborate on what defines an official act and what exactly decides immunity, and in the process we could see a lot of potential what-I’d-say is overreach.
It is far too early to declare that there will be zero side effects from this — as with literally any Supreme Court ruling.
We’ve already seen what qualified immunity gets us, and I’d bet many people didn’t expect it to go that way.
A President, if they act in an "official" capacity, cannot later be charged with a crime for something they did in that official capacity. Not "can offer being an official as a defense", "cannot be charged".
What is an official capacity? Well there's the traditional stuff like vetoes, appointments, and the like, but there's a lot of stuff that is far more nebulous. Does the President act in an official capacity when telling the Vice President what to do with regards to certifying an electoral college result? Well, if that's official, Trump has to be more-or-less let go for what happened on January 6th.
We are now basically saying that it's up to a judge - who may or may not have been appointed by the President in question - to decide whether something was an official act. If it is? Welp, sorry the President's wanton order violated your Constitutional rights, but no trial.
But to your main point, do you remember why Democrats tried to impeach Trump? I am leaving it as a question, because I am curious how you are intending to defend that record.
[1]https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Efforts_to_impeach_Donald_Trum... [2]https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impeachment_inquiry_into_Joe_B...
The first time Trump used his power as president of a superpower to attempt to force a poor country to make up a fake investigation into his political rival. This is bad, basically unprecedented.
Your last paragraph is closer to accurate, except a president doesn't just "appoint" a judge. They have to be voted in by the senate. So, if the president is a crook and nominates a crook and the senate is full of crooks and vote yes to have said crook become a judge, then yes really bad stuff can happen. But if the president is a crook and the majority of the senate are crooks, it's already all over.
Charge every act of violence ordered in places war is undeclared as war crimes?
If not, the things they have on Trump seem like really small potatoes to zero in on.
It does make one question why this SCOTUS seems to think the future will break with precedent. Almost as if they're laying the groundwork for some significant changes to past decorum...
In the military, we have the UCMJ that allows us to prosecute those military personnel that issue illegal orders. The President is the Commander-in-Chief, but he is a civilian, so the UCMJ doesn't apply. I always thought he would be charged under criminal law in that case, but it seems that this ruling precludes that.
Page 14 notes that the President's official responsibilities "include, for instance, commanding the Armed Forces of the United States; granting reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States; and ap- pointing public ministers and consuls, the Justices of this Court, and Officers of the United States."
Page 17 states "We thus conclude that the President is absolutely immune from criminal prosecution for conduct within his exclusive sphere of constitutional authority."
Page 26 states "In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives."
Right below that it clarifies
> If the President claims authority to act but in fact exercises mere “individual will” and “authority without law,” the courts may say so. Youngstown, 343 U. S., at 655 (Jackson, J., concurring). In Youngstown, for instance, we held that President Truman exceeded his constitutional authority when he seized most of the Nation’s steel mills. See id., at 582–589 (majority opinion). But once it is determined that the President acted within the scope of his exclusive authority, his discretion in exercising such authority cannot be subject to further judicial examination.
Absurd, to the point of being hilarious. Could a president use this (immunity and nukes) to become an absolute ruler?
Edit: a failsafe is there, see sibling comment: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=40849357
If the president is able to bring physical power to bear, then it matters little what the law says anyway.
Congress, through impeachment.
From the article:
> “Under our constitutional structure of separated powers, the nature of presidential power entitles a former president to absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for actions within his conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority,” Chief Justice John Roberts wrote for the court. “And he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts. There is no immunity for unofficial acts.”
There aren't just 2 types of acts. There are 3: constitutional, official, and unofficial.
As such, the phrase "exercise of his core constitutional power" is significantly less straightforward than it might seem at first glance.
If you read through the ruling, a lot more questions arise than answers. And Sotomayor's dissent only highlights how they don't know themselves. And it's not as though it was clear before this ruling. It was unclear, and this ruling says very little in practice.
You could make a very good case that drone strikes on American citizens in foreign lands that are a part of jihadist groups without due process are unconstitutional. And yet, it happens. According to the standard Roberts puts in place, things that are on the extreme periphery of the duties of the Presidency are exempt from criminal prosecution. Does this mean drone strikes? Almost certainly. The President has an enumerated power to command the armed forces.
I fail to see why throwing all of the living Presidents in prison is a problem, particularly if they receive a day in court before getting thrown in prison. What this ruling does is create a class of American that can do some genuinely awful things and not be subject to legal process at all. There is no process, due or otherwise. The person gets to live their life as before.
Trump's being tried because the things he did weren't small potatoes. Trying to overthrow the electoral process unilaterally is a state fair record-setting potato. It's a far more immediate and widespread risk to American life and liberty than the drone strikes on foreign land that I mentioned earlier. One impacts a few dozen Americans globally at most; the other impacts literally all of them.
Hell IIRC at one point all living governors of Illinois were in prison
This is wrong, and your ability to make an argument suggests you know it is. And the most extreme acts being mentioned as risks are the exact ones where "presumptive" matters.
citationneeded.jpg
> And the most extreme acts being mentioned as risks are the exact ones where "presumptive" matters.
Are they? Can you count on humans to not abuse power? I don't trust the SCOTUS to provide a real counterweight. These are the same people who knew that 12-year-olds would be giving birth with the overturn of Roe v. Wade, and did it anyways. The same institution that ignored votes in 2000 and appointed a President. The same institution who had no power to stop Andrew Jackson from committing genocidal acts against the Cherokee. Either ineffective or complicit in severe violations of constitutional rights.
Yep. The ruling says that if the President is acting within the legally and constitutionally defined scope of their duties then they shouldn't have to wonder if they'll later be prosecuted for it.
That seems fine on its face, but the problem people keep raising is that we live in a world where the President is legally empowered to do things that are seriously problematic. That's a very real concern, and it's been a concern at the very least since Bush and 9/11.
So the obvious answer to this ruling is to fix that. The President shouldn't have to wonder if they'll end up prosecuted for doing things that are within the scope of their official duties, so what we need to do is more clearly define and limit those official duties so that the President doesn't have to guess what will be seen as crossing an imaginary line when the administration changes.
The other big problem is how do you resolve a question of whether the president is acting within the legally and constitutionally defined scope of their duties? If there is a presumption of immunity and precluded from examining motive, it may be nearly impossible to establish the facts in cases where the president is acting improperly.
Well yeah that's true. But uh, you are talking lawyer talk with a set of opinions, insincerely held, because they are most concerned with "owning the libs" above everything else.
A giant part of the issue of commonlaw systems is that so much of the "law" is not laws but rulings and those are a lot easier to change/ignore/overrule.
The US couldn't pass the ERA, which just enshrines women's rights in the Constitution. Anything more controversial like "the President can't do extrajudicial murders" would be an endless partisan battle
I agree with you - it's not like Bush has been held accountable in any way. Neither has Cheney, and we know Rumsfeld never will. Congress needs to get off its' duff and regulate. That requires people to organize to make them. I'm not seeing it happen.
Congress granted the Bush administration broad powers. The problem is not inaction.
You mean because he has been dead for 3 years?
Another topic that hasn't come up quite as much is the fact that this is an immunity proposition, not a defense. What SCOTUS is saying is that we aren't permitted to even ask if the president is reasonable in his beliefs; any trial on the merits is completely and totally foreclosed--that's what immunity means. Just a few days ago, SCOTUS decided that it's absolutely important that administrative law procedures need to go through the step of being heard by a jury trial, and now here it's saying that it's absolutely important that the president never be burdened by the prospect of having to have a jury weigh their actions.
It's just... really galling that SCOTUS would decide that the constitution requires that the president be a king above the law, exactly the sort of thing that England fought a few civil wars over before the US even sought its independence.
Nevermind that the order was given by a US official, presumably on US soil.
You're underestimating the creativity of prosecutors. :)
For example, they could have charged him with conspiracy to commit murder in any location where Obama met with others to discuss killing al-Awlaki.
Or a future president, like Trump, could have pressured a federal prosecutors to bring charges in Federal Court, since they can bring charges for crimes committed against Americans globally.
No, the supreme court just gave the president immunity for exactly this. This exact scenario is quoted upthread:
> Congress may not criminalize the President’s conduct in carrying out the responsibilities of the Executive Branch under the Constitution.
It's curious because this would also seem to legalize the Watergate scandal and Nixon's famous line "if the president does it, its not illegal".
Maybe.[1]
[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unitary_executive_theory#Judic...
And of course, if it's something that the Supreme Court wants a president to face consequences for for partisan reasons, they can simply use their majority to say that whatever they didn't like was not an official act.
People get very judgemental when Putin assassinates defectors, but when Obama does it it's ok?
Relatedly, when the question is "is this person protected by the Constitution," imagine a Venn diagram where one circle is "US citizens" and the other circle is "human being physically present within the United States." Debate over the 100-mile "border zone" notwithstanding, the entire thing is filled in. If you are a US citizen anywhere, or a person inside the US, you have all the Constitutional rights.
Several Congresspeople then concluded he could not be impeached because by the time they were able to consider the question, he had left office.
This ruling by SCOTUS suggests there is now no avenue to hold such a President accountable for such actions.
... and that's before we broach the question of whether "Removal from the Oval Office" is sufficient punishment for all manner of crime the President could commit from his position of power, because that is the upper limit of the effect of a Congressional impeachment. This seems to give a sitting President carte blanche to throw the Constitution in a wood-chipper if he can interpret it is within his official acts to do so.
Yes, and was impeached for that.
>Several Congresspeople then concluded he could not be impeached because by the time they were able to consider the question, he had left office.
That's how checks and balances work. They may have made that conclusion, but the impeachment carried on anyway and failed to gain the 2/3rds majority.
>This ruling by SCOTUS suggests there is now no avenue to hold such a President accountable for such actions.
It doesn't suggest that at all.
>whether "Removal from the Oval Office" is sufficient punishment for all manner of crime the President could commit from his position of power, because that is the upper limit of the effect of a Congressional impeachment.
It's removal from office AND "the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.[0]" They can still be found guilty for insurrection after impeachment.
>This seems to give a sitting President carte blanche to throw the Constitution in a wood-chipper if he can interpret it is within his official acts to do so.
That's not how it works because at the end of the day the President doesn't interpret the law, and isn't shielded from impeachment and justice through state/federal courts as I outlined above. This is literally the majority opinion. Similarly, just because a military officer interprets their actions are lawful doesn't make them so.
[0] https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impeachment_in_the_United_St...
That’s essentially what happened with Kavanaugh, Amy, and Neil minus the judge being a crook part. Well, Kavanaugh is a rapist so for him the crook part applies. The really bad stuff is happening. You just are not aware of it.
If you think all those things are in place, this really is the least of your worries.
It is and isn't, which is the problem.
> Your last paragraph is closer to accurate, except a president doesn't just "appoint" a judge. They have to be voted in by the senate. So, if the president is a crook and nominates a crook and the senate is full of crooks and vote yes to have said crook become a judge, then yes really bad stuff can happen. But if the president is a crook and the majority of the senate are crooks, it's already all over.
They more or less do appoint. There's never going to be a judge voted on that doesn't push a President's viewpoint, particularly not in the last thirty years. If a system doesn't take into consideration this particular contingency, it wasn't a very good system, was it?
You are confusing necessary and sufficient.
This ruling is like telling a hungry leopard, "you can eat anyone except for us." The hubris of this ruling is absurd. American's President Jinping won't be a Federalist.
I suggest that courts might be _reluctant_ to make such a finding with Seal Team 6 visiting their homes at 3 AM.
I pray when Trump is reelected he makes no such moves.
Read the ruling itself.
Roe v Wade was an easy overturn from a legal perspective. Pro choice folks with half a brain knew it stood on nonsense. Obama said in 2007 he wanted to codify it because he knew it was standing on shaky logic.
But yes, what I meant is that the supreme court has the power to interpret the law and uphold the constitution, but it is on the legislation to draft precise laws.
And as bad as today’s ruling is, I think your proposed rule would be worse because it would create tons of liability for good faith government employees.
We can’t have a world where it’s unclear if an act is official until there’s some kind of review of its outcome. The act itself has to be official (or not).
Qualified immunity is unconstitutional
That said, it's obviously a false statement. By your argument, the president ordering flight 93 to be shot down on 9/11 would not be an official act. You might now retort something about extenuating circumstances, but really that would only show you to be entirely wrong about your original assertion.
I recommend you edit your posts to correct your mistake.
At a certain point the "constitutionality" doesn't matter; it's hard to make a case have a meaningful outcome when the plaintiff is dead.
He also passed an EO afterward which set up a legal framework retroactively justifying it.
Obama drone wars would be the one to look at.
The minority points out that official acts was already a defense. The majority opinion here claims that it’s an absolute immunity and even motivation is impervious to this immunity claim. This is a serious undermining of the rule of law in a substantial way and paves the way for the US to have a dictatorship at some point in the future.
It's an immunity only for official acts, not unofficial ones.
"... al-Awlaki ... was an American-Yemeni lecturer, and jihadist who was killed in 2011 in Yemen by a U.S. government drone strike ordered by President Barack Obama. Al-Awlaki became the first U.S. citizen to be targeted and killed by a drone strike from the U.S. government."
this act is still in effect.
Explain the difference.
The court opinion literally says pressuring the vice president to try to not certify the election was an official act related to talking about the limits of his roles and responsibilities.
We are already well into stupid word games territory.
What is your counter argument, from the actual opinion?
I think the problem is that the section regarding evidence, c3 iirc, says that any evidence implicating a criminal unofficial act must itself be unofficial, and not related to presidential acts.
Who said?
SCOTUS disagrees with you. People can be stripped of their constitutional rights and they are official acts.
For the most recent case: https://www.scotusblog.com/2024/06/supreme-court-upholds-bar...
2nd Amendment versus the executive branch's right to enforce that law.
The president now has immunity to corrupt elections as he wishes. I honestly don't understand how any American can be happy about this.
I could see the argument being made that yes, that's an official act. You'd have to argue why it's okay for a President to abandon their oath of office.
See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iran%E2%80%93Contra_affair#Par...
https://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow-show/maddowblog/pressed-...
If the people don't like a landmark case (i.e. the disagree with the interpretation), Congress can pass a new law. If a new law contradicts the court's opinion, the law takes precedence.
Maybe.[1]
[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unitary_executive_theory#Judic...
So, they can invent tests later, after they see how this decision affects the prosecution.
how is that not a test?
Trump murdering his business partner at a dinner because they had a fallout is pretty clearly unofficial, while Trump ordering assassination of the Tyrant of Ruritania is official, albeit probably immoral and/or dangerous to boot.
Of course the grey zone between those two poles is going to be pretty wide.
Why? The majority said In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives. Nor may courts deem an action unofficial merely because it allegedly violates a generally applicable law.[1]
[1] https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
He doesn't even have to provide such a justification because the court has said the President's motives cannot be used to decide if it was official or unofficial.
It seems a lot is assumed in that one sentence. Did he give an order that said 'Overthrow!"? If not, what, exactly, did he do? And this may be a part of the issue. Everything is a hyperbole wrapped in performative anger.
In other words, can you name an action that you deem unofficial that would qualify as 'overthrow"?
Failing to execute his office by failing to defend the Capitol
Telling the Proud Boys to stand by rather than stand down
Encouraging a vitriolic crowd to take back their country and transferring blame to Pence, who was going to be in the Capitol performing his Senate duties.
---------------
There comes a time when we have look past the mob-boss-need-for-explicit wording schtick and recognize a space as a space.
Yeah, I.. I think you will want to find a better example than what he actually said[1]
<< Failing to execute his office by failing to defend the Capitol
So a lack of an official act is an official act? This does not fall under what I asked for, but good try.
<< Elector conspiracy
You have something there, but you want something more concrete. What was his exact step that was NOT an official act in your view.
<< Telling the Proud Boys to stand by rather than stand down
You have something there, but again not much to go after unless you want to argue actions vs words.
<< There comes a time when we have look past the mob-boss-need-for-explicit wording schtick and recognize a space as a space.
Listen, rules exist for a reason. You break those rules and you deal with consequences of that break. If Trump did not break those rules and you think those rules do not meet the current needs, then you may want to change those rules, but arguing 'well, he is guilty of something' is a little silly and, frankly, against the very foundation of this country.
The funny thing is, you clearly recognize the 'exact wording' issue as an obstacle to put him away.
[1]https://www.wsj.com/video/trump-full-speech-at-dc-rally-on-j...
> Determining which acts are official and which are unofficial “can be difficult,” Roberts conceded. He emphasized that the immunity that the court recognizes in its ruling on Monday takes a broad view of what constitutes a president’s “official responsibilities,” “covering actions so long as they are not manifestly or palpably beyond his authority.” In conducting the official/unofficial inquiry, Roberts added, courts cannot consider the president’s motives, nor can they designate an act as unofficial simply because it allegedly violates the law.
https://www.scotusblog.com/2024/07/justices-rule-trump-has-s...
Basically the President has a presumption that his behavior is an official act unless it’s egregiously outside his powers but there’s also no way to really investigate it. Oh and it’s also combined with the unitary executive theory popular on the right which holds that the president basically has absolute power over all executive agencies and a growing interpretation of the powers of the president (under both parties) which is a scary scenario.
And given that the dissenting opinion from SCOTUS justices literally raises the exact scenario you’re assuming is unofficial, so dismissing it out of hand seems overly bold:
> The President of the United States is the most powerful person in the country, and possibly the world. When he uses his official powers in any way, under the majority’s reasoning, he now will be insulated from criminal prosecution. Orders the Navy’s Seal Team 6 to assassinate a political rival? Immune. Organizes a military coup to hold onto power? Immune. Takes a bribe in exchange for a pardon? Immune. Immune, immune, immune.
https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
You can disagree with the dissents, but even Justice Barrett outlines some very serious problems with the reasoning in the majority opinion while Justice Thomas says they should go further and completely rule Jack Smith’s investigation unconstitutional outright.
The President shouldn't have the legal authority to conduct any drone strikes without a declaration of war from Congress. We've been ignoring the Constitution for a very long time.
What part of the Constitution are we ignoring?
According to the Constitution, the President is the Commander in Chief of the armed forces. The Constitution does not say that war must be declared for the armed forces to operate. Thus, ordering a drone strike without Congress' input would seem well within the scope of the President's powers.
It does. Armed forces killing people is a state of war. If not, it's policing then it's under the judiciary authority, not the president.
There are a number of amendments that could be pretty reasonable argued to give citizens the right not to get killed by drone strikes.
Drone strikes on foreign targets are most analogous to the historical practice of issuing “letters of marque and reprisal,” which allowed private actors (privateers) to act on behalf of the state to take out pirates.
Issuing such letters is an enumerated power of Congress, not the Presidency. So if the President does so unilaterally, they are acting outside their Constitutional authority.
The risks of abuse to military power are real and significant, which is why the power was placed in the body closest to the people - so that such actions would be consistent with the public will.
https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/article-1/section-8...
Yes it does, by reserving for Congress the right to declare war. Obama's drone strikes were carried out under the 2001 AUMF against al-Qaeda and the Taliban.
At the same time, the president's agencies no longer have the authority to do whatever they want.
So I guess the president can order the military to drone strike the FCC if he wants at this rate. I don't see what influence the Constitution is still going to have at this point.
Since Thomas Jefferson sent Navy & Marines after the Barbary Pirates without consulting Congress.
I mean, if Obama went to prison for the drone strikes he ordered, his sacrifice would be less than many common soldiers have made.
I want Presidents willing to put their lives on the line and their actions under the law. Is that too much to ask?
What does that mean? I'm not familiar with detached subthreads.
> As the Supreme Court concluded, the United States is in an armed conflict with al-Qaeda, and Congress’s 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force—along with the president’s commander-in-chief authority under Article II of the Constitution—provides ample domestic legal authority to conduct military operations against al-Qaeda.
tl;dr: We haven't been ignoring the Constitution for a very long time.
Indeed, the concept of immunity is recognized in the American constitution for legislators in a limited way, so this isn't an oversight by the framers corrected by Robert's conservative majority, rather the lack of immunity for the executive is a feature and not a bug of our constitution, and all republican forms of government.
Ironically the American president now has more power than the King of England, George the III, at the time of the American independence. King George had to follow the laws of Parliament, as did all Kings of England since the passage of Magna Carta some 500+ years prior.
As of today our President no longer has to obey the Constitution or the law so long as the act is deemed "official" by the conservative majority.
> Never in the history of our Republic has a President had reason to believe that he would be immune from criminal prosecution if he used the trappings of his office to violate the criminal law. Moving forward, however, all former Presidents will be cloaked in such immunity. If the occupant of that office misuses official power for personal gain, the criminal law that the rest of us must abide will not provide a backstop.
> With fear for our democracy, I dissent.
Chilling words.
that's not anything new though, Obama's drone strikes weren't ordered until his lawyers felt they had a very good defense for him in case he was charged with assassinating US citizens without due process.
The way they’ve set this up, the people involved have a lot to do with it. It sure looks like the President can now openly discuss corruption like selling secrets or pardons with e.g. relevant cabinet members, and none of that can be prosecuted, nor can it be evidence presented in a prosecution of crimes.
The immunity granted is insanely broad.
Basically Kavanaugh did what everyone said he would and he overturned US v Nixon even though he lied about it during his confirmation even though before he argued repeatedly it was a bad decision. So either he lied or he miraculously changed his beliefs for the duration of the Senate hearing.
https://www.peoplefor.org/press-releases/fact-check-kavanaug...
https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
> nature of Presidential power entitles a former President to absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for actions within his conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority.> And he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts.
> Testimony or private records of the President or his advisers probing such conduct may not be admitted as evidence at trial
> The Constitution does not tolerate such impediments to “the effective functioning of government” [as when] the possibility of an extended proceeding alone may render [the President] “unduly cautious in the discharge of his official duties.”
> The immunity the Court has recognized therefore extends to the “outer perimeter” of the President’s official responsibilities, covering actions so long as they are “not manifestly or palpably beyond [his] authority.”
> In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives.
> Nor may courts deem an action unofficial merely because it allegedly violates a generally applicable law
> Enduring separation of powers principles guide our decision in this case
Supreme Court history has no broader grant of immunity based on principles less definitive.
Wouldn’t this have made it impossible to prosecute Nixon for Watergate?
If you read the complete ruling, the justices work to clarify how "official" and "unofficial" acts apply to the case at hand. For example, many of the conversations had with Pence and the AG are considered off limits for prosecution as they are "official." Other charges, however, can stick if the lower court decides:
> Trump can point to no plausible source of authority enabling the President to not only organize alternate slates of electors but also cause those electors—unapproved by any state official—to transmit votes to the President of the Senate for counting at the certification proceeding, thus interfering with the votes of States’ properly appointed electors
The damning part starts on page 27 of the ruling[0].
[0]: https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
for posterity, this is "the blueprint for a [sic] American dictatorship" to which you refer:
Then only extremely socially minded people would dare to do the job.
There was a similar sci fi story I read. At the end of a war the rule was that all allied ( not enemy ) generals would be executed. The idea was that war was such a horrible concept that to lead one would require extreme sacrifice and social consciousness on the part of the leaders. War was legal and to be fought without limit however on conclusion all leaders would be put to death. I don't remember the author or the story name.
Look at it from the perspective of the president near the end of their term.
I propose the Supreme Court be reconstituted such that for each case a panel of judges from the appellate courts is chosen by lot. They hear that case, write their opinion, and then go back to that work. New case, new lot.
Having a permanent bench of judicial oligarchs made sense before telecommunication. It doesn’t anymore. Every ancient democracy used randomness to control corruption. I think it’s time we took a lesson from them.
(Note: this could be done by statute. How the supreme Court is constituted is entirely left to Congress.)
[1] https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/article-3/
> In a ruling on the last day before the Supreme Court’s summer recess, and just over two months after the oral argument, a majority of the court rejected the D.C. Circuit’s reasoning. As an initial matter, Roberts explained in his 43-page ruling, presidents have absolute immunity for their official acts when those acts relate to the core powers granted to them by the Constitution – for example, the power to issue pardons, veto legislation, recognize ambassadors, and make appointments.
> That absolute immunity does not extend to the president’s other official acts, however. In those cases, Roberts reasoned, a president cannot be charged unless, at the very least, prosecutors can show that bringing such charges would not threaten the power and functioning of the executive branch. And there is no immunity for a president’s unofficial acts.
[…]
> In her dissent, which (like Jackson’s) notably did not use the traditional “respectfully,” Sotomayor contended that Monday’s ruling “reshapes the institution of the Presidency.” “Whether described as presumptive or absolute,” she wrote, “under the majority’s rule, a President’s use of any official power for any purpose, even the most corrupt, is immune from prosecution. That is just as bad as it sounds, and it is baseless.” “With fear for our democracy,” she concluded, “I dissent.”
* https://www.scotusblog.com/2024/07/justices-rule-trump-has-s...
> In a ruling on the last day before the Supreme Court’s summer recess, and just over two months after the oral argument, a majority of the court rejected the D.C. Circuit’s reasoning. As an initial matter, Roberts explained in his 43-page ruling, presidents have absolute immunity for their official acts when those acts relate to the core powers granted to them by the Constitution – for example, the power to issue pardons, veto legislation, recognize ambassadors, and make appointments
which I can't find in the linked article, but which is of course in what you've linked to.
In those enumerated things I think the ruling is quite tolerable, but the decision is much broader than that, and this presumptive immunity, etc. becomes quite burdensome.
It's going to be like the state secrets privilege, and that has already allowed people to get away with torture, even people whose identities are well known, and where there is clear, unambiguous evidence that they were involved.
What Roberts says almost makes it sound alright, but it definitely isn't.
[1] https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
well.. be careful for what you wish for but i see your point. What's the supreme court going to do? Order your arrest by the FBI? Seems like the FBI would go tell them to pound sand.
During the Supreme Court hearings, has anyone asked the hypothetical of a president deciding to send Team 6 to get rid of some members of the Supreme Court? No prosecution for that too?
That core concept of immunity is pretty solid and essential, it is the details that are problematic, in particular the fact that the courts have interpreted "official" acts so broadly in the past in cases of qualified immunity makes one worried they will do the same here.
The Democrats have now become the conservative party. Both in the abstract of wanting slow cautious change, and in the concrete principles that have long been held as conservativism - belief in American institutions, strong foreign policy to spread those institutions, the rule of law, and now even fiscal responsibility with having led the pull up from ZIRP!
Combined with Chevron doctrine precedent, agencies could enact what the executive branch wanted if the standard quo process failed
Roberts' opinion covers this, as do many discussions of textualist interpretations -- not being set out in the text specifically doesn't mean that it doesn't exist, for textualist interpretations. Roberts' example is separation of powers. There's no "separation of powers clause," but the concept is pretty clearly set out in the text anyway. They say the same is true for immunity for public acts, and they provide reasoning. I disagree with some of the reasoning, but there are much more tenuous things read into the Constitution by the Supreme Court than this one.
And if the Constitution includes immunity for public acts, so much the worse for the Constitution!
Stopping aid to Ukraine is definitely an official act, which, on its own, is within their powers. Trading said official action for the billion dollars is what is fraudulent, but if I am understanding the Roberts opinion correctly, it cannot be prosecuted, because the motives of the president should not be used as part of the ruling of immunity. So... free bribery, as long as said president pays their taxes.
Why is sottomayor the only justice drawing this conclusion?
That’s the sad part? We have different perceptions reality.
It does not mean that Congress can't have political qualifications for justices, and in fact George Washington had a failed nomination because his nominee was politically unpopular.
> So I think the first thing that makes a good judge is independence, not being swayed by political or public pressure. That takes some backbone. That takes some judicial fortitude.
> The great moments in American judicial history, the judges had backbone and independence. You think about Youngstown Steel. You think about, for example, Brown v. Board of Education, where the Court came together and knew they were going to face political pressure and still enforced the promise of the Constitution.
> You think about United States v. Nixon, which I have identified as one of the greatest moments in American judicial history, where Chief Justice Burger, who had been appointed by President Nixon, brought the Court together in a unanimous decision to order President Nixon, in response to a criminal trial subpoena, to disclose information. Those great moments of independence and unanimity are important.
[0] https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-115shrg32765/pdf/CH...
[0] https://transcripts.cnn.com/show/cnr/date/2018-09-05/segment...
[1] https://scholarship.law.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3383...
Impeachment is a difficult process. Given that Trump survived (twice), I'm not sure this would work:
https://www.axios.com/2024/06/14/scotus-supreme-court-claren...
> [Kavanaugh] lied about it during his confirmation
Kavanaugh said Roe was "entitled the respect under principles of stare decisis" and similar remarks. But that still leaves it in a category that can and has been overturned by past courts. Here are a few such examples where they overturned settled precedents entitled to deference under the principles of stare decisis: https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/a-short-list-of-overturn...
Once you know that such rulings can and have been overturned before, you can see that he never once said anything at all like "I won't (or can't) overturn Roe" in his comments. You can find his comments in full here:
https://www.factcheck.org/2022/05/what-gorsuch-kavanaugh-and...
You can say that this makes his comments misleading to people who don't realize that stare decisis doesn't mean that SCOTUS can't or won't overturn a past ruling, but the fact that "everyone said he would" overturn Roe really cuts against that his statements actually mislead anyone.
I defy anyone to craft any political system or subset thereof that correctly anticipates societal shifts over the course of two and a half centuries.
As for the longevity of the U.S., there’s a strong argument that it has in fact not lasted 250 or so years, and that the reconstruction era amendments created a qualitatively different, more centralized country. But even if we ignore that, the U.S. has a lot going for it that has nothing to do with politics. Two oceans, peaceful neighbors, and more natural resources than we knew what to do with that we bought for practically nothing.
The US emerged from WW2 as basically the only advanced economy that wasn’t flattened, did essentially zero introspection and assumed our politics were superior. And yet we have open bribery of politicians, and the highest court opened the floodgates for the wealthiest to donate to politicians. The only thing left is to allow politicians to keep donations for personal use.
Europe has surpassed us in life expectancy, and soon China will surpass us in GDP. And no matter how much free speech we have, we can’t have a conversation about it because the media is weaponized to distract us.
From George Washington's presidential farewell address: "However [political parties] may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion."
Just as another example, the Framers forgot to even mention that courts could strike down unconstitutional laws, causing a political crisis that came up only 15 years later. Oops!
AFAIK it only mandates it for the President. We're free to elect representatives and Senators how we please.
Some states cast them all for the popular winner in that state. Some split them proportionately among the top scoring candidates. Some states have agreed to a pact that, if enacted by enough states, will switch those states to casting their votes for the national popular vote winner.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Popular_Vote_Intersta....
In theory a state could hold ranked choice votes among any number of candidates and cast their electoral votes for the final ranked choice winner.
Even the primary system is something managed at the state level.
So a lot could be done but it requires changing state laws or potentially state constitutions.
President, as envisioned by founders, should barely even matter outside of war.
Whether we have adequately updated the constitution along the way to cover the new realities is a valid question, but governing by just what the original founders wrote doesn't have a great track record either.
How would you square the 14th amendment’s equal protection clause with enumerated powers?
Is the Constitution perfect? No.
But it's still fair to call them geniuses for what they accomplished.
Also, you are arguing the Founders interpretation of the Constitution is the same as the current Supreme Court. I'm not sure they would agree, but there's no way we can ever know.
This is untrue: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Outline_of_San_Marino
the Isle of Man goes back to 1000 or so
the current UK system is essentially identical to that of 1689 and has legal governmental continuity since 1066
- Led to a bloody civil war that was the most deadly war in human history (until WWI), over 600,000 Americans dead, just ~75 years later;
- Largely wiped out the indigenous people of North America;
- Enshrined chattel slavery;
- Denied the right to vote to women (and in fact all non-white people); and
- Has been involved in, responsible for and/or complicit with many coups in the rest of the world [1].
Maybe it's not the best thing to celebrate.
[1]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_involvement_in_r...
They wrote the Articles of Confederation which failed leading to the Framers writing the Constitution.
[1] https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2019/08/countries-are-the-wor...
Systems always work to justify and perpetuate themselves. It's part of why our jobs can be such BS sometimes.
The right and left are both railing against our justice system. At different levels. For different reasons. But that’s political capital on the floor.
> Same with implementing ranked choice
We have multiple jurisdictions with RCV [1]. Your purported impossibility has happened.
> Systems always work to justify and perpetuate themselves
We have reformed our courts before in pursuit of seeking to perpetuate our American form of government. This is no different. Amending governments to make them more fit is not inherently in conflict with institutional prerogatives.
[1] https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ranked-choice_voting_in_the_...
So is the constitution. But I think what also matters a lot is things like the Federalist papers. Where these aren't explicit laws but are the motivations and philosophy behind them. Ruling by the letter of the law will always be tyrannical because no thing is perfect.
Federalist 78[0]
> The interpretation of the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the courts. A constitution is, in fact, and must be regarded by the judges, as a fundamental law. It therefore belongs to them to ascertain its meaning, as well as the meaning of any particular act proceeding from the legislative body. If there should happen to be an irreconcilable variance between the two, that which has the superior obligation and validity ought, of course, to be preferred; or, in other words, the Constitution ought to be preferred to the statute, the intention of the people to the intention of their agents.
It's also worth mentioning here that this same document specifies that the judicial branch and executive branch are to remain distinct. That all the judicial branch can do is issue judgement, but are not capable of executing such judgement. I mention this because there is another question that arises if the one in charge of the executive branch is judged to have committed a crime by the judicial branch. But of course, this is back to the point that there are no global optima. There is no free lunch.
Good question. Perhaps a separate bench chosen once per session? Have the other circuits vote on it?
I.e. their job doesn't depend on them ruling the "right" way.
There are pros and cons to different approaches. There are differences at the state level for judges, being appointed vs elected. Each has problems. In TX, for example, judges are heavily influenced by mob mentality - they're afraid to practice sentencing restraint because next election their rival will run ads saying they love murderers/rapists/whatever because they let someone off lightly in extraordinary circumstances.
But what would be more fun is for the current Supreme Court to adopt the “emanations from penumbras” philosophy of judging, and do that for a couple of decades.
There is a reference in the Constitution in the impeachment clause to the “Chief Justice” - which maybe implies justices with some sort of tenure, but I suppose that could be filled randomly as well, much like a jury foreman.
Not that I can find. (It’s already been flagged off the thread, granted.)
> a reference in the Constitution in the impeachment clause to the “Chief Justice”
Ministerial. The most-senior jurist on the appellate court.
I used it once. Because that’s why ancient democracies used selection by lot. My criticism isn’t of this ruling per se, but of the institution, which has swung from a stabilising branch of government to a constant source of chaos.
In 250 years, for 44 presidents, not one of them has needed immunity from criminal prosecution.
All this does is shield the man who attempted to use violence and a conspiracy to commit election fraud with a fake slate of electors to reverse the result of a legitimate decision.
To call this milquetoast is to continue the gaslighting. This decision has permanently altered the American Experiment.
The current system seems like it’s designed to aggravate politics in the very branch that’s intended to be beyond them.
The supremes don't always get it right. Dissenting opinions are the mechanism for expressing that reality.
It sounds like it does, from the majority opinion:
> The President enjoys no immunity for his unofficial acts, and not everything the President does is official. The President is not above the law. But Congress may not criminalize the President’s conduct in carrying out the responsibilities of the Executive Branch under the Constitution. And the system of separated powers designed by the Framers has always demanded an energetic, independent Executive. The President therefore may not be prosecuted for exercising his core constitutional powers, and he is entitled, at a minimum, to a presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts.
So it sounds like "official acts" means an act "exercising his core constitutional powers."
Core constitutional powers: may not be prosecuted. Period. Impossible.
Official acts: presumptive immunity, may possibly be prosecuted.
Clearly "core constitutional powers" != "official acts" because they have two very different standards applied.
But even then, with enough agreement from the states, Congress can amend the Constitution.
Congress can also impeach justices, which is one of their checks on the Judicial branch. They also have the authority to confirm the Executive's judicial nominees (one of their checks on the Executive).
The ones that should judge if it's not constitutional just passed judgment stating that a ex-president is above the law. I think they can invalidate if a president explicitly needs declaration of war, given recent history I'd bet a lot they would find it totally constitutional.
https://apnews.com/article/yemen-houthis-red-sea-shipping-ce...
It was up to the states to decide who could vote. So depending on the state you had woman voters [1].
[1]: https://www.nps.gov/articles/voting-rights-in-nj-before-the-...
What are you talking about? The Supreme Court gutted the constitution in the mid-20th century, and anti-democratically reshaped society down to its foundations.
The supposed "chaos" comes entirely from liberals freaking out at the smallest retrenchment of their destabilizing prior precedents.
With how things shaped up, the innate de jure power struggle should have been "The People <> Legislative <> Judicial <> Executive <> Corporations"
We're still paying the price, as the Lochner era was incredibly myopic.
> But what would be more fun is for the current Supreme Court to adopt the “emanations from penumbras” philosophy of judging, and do that for a couple of decades.
Let’s see what “emanations from penumbras” we can find in the contract clause, second amendment, tenth amendment, etc. If only conservatives had the sense to use Roe as a template for how to judging should work.
However, before that you could vote if you had enough captial. Is that democracy? That list says it isn't whilst saying that America, in which minorities and women could not vote, is a democracy. That seems like a line draw specifically to be able to say America is the oldest democracy, very disingenuous.
If you consider minorities and women to be people then America didn't become a true democracy until 1965.
This isn't how Supreme Court cases usually work. Most of the time, as in this case, they clarify some things and send it back to the lower courts.
The Court here ruled that the President is entitled to immunity for official acts and sent the case back to the lower court to determine if Trump was acting in his official capacity as President or in his capacity as a political candidate.
I'm actually a member of the Supreme Court bar, and have been involved in a number of supreme court cases, so i'm fairly aware of how Supreme Court cases work :)
They did what I said:
"Whenever the President and Vice President discuss their official responsibilities, they engage in official conduct. Presiding over the January 6 certification proceeding at which Members of Congress count the electoral votes is a constitutional and statutory duty of the Vice President. Art. II, §1, cl. 3; Amdt. 12; 3 U. S. C. §15. The indictment’s allegations that Trump attempted to pressure the Vice President to take particular acts in connection with his role at the certification proceeding thus involve official conduct, and Trump is at least presumptively immune from prosecution for such conduct"
> It is ultimately the Government’s burden to rebut the presumption of immunity. We therefore remand to the District Court to assess in the first instance, with appropriate input from the parties, whether a prosecution involving Trump’s alleged attempts to influence the Vice President’s oversight of the certification proceeding in his capacity as President of the Senate would pose any dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch.
Yes it does - the part you cite was written because they found it an official act with a presumption of immunity that the government has some chance to rebut. If it had been an unofficial act, there would be no immunity at all.
Here:
"Whenever the President and Vice President discuss their official responsibilities, they engage in official conduct. Presiding over the January 6 certification proceeding at which Members of Congress count the electoral votes is a constitutional and statutory duty of the Vice President. Art. II, §1, cl. 3; Amdt. 12; 3 U. S. C. §15. The indictment’s allegations that Trump attempted to pressure the Vice President to take particular acts in connection with his role at the certification proceeding thus involve official conduct, and Trump is at least presumptively immune from prosecution for such conduct"
So if you belive that the election was stolen, and organize a military uprising to fix that, then what?
You're acting in your official capacity to uphold the constitutional rights. It's all fine and dandy, and you should get full immunity.
Or if you don't believe the election was stolen. The court said In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives.
The most recent affirmation: https://www.scotusblog.com/2024/06/supreme-court-upholds-bar...
There are countless other cases.
Ouroboros
Additionally, supreme court nominees are not selected at random--it's no accident that conservative presidents nominate conservative justices and liberal presidents nominate liberal justices. Nominees are selected by the president because the president thinks they'll like the way the nominee would rule in the future.
Qualified judges have a broad spectrum of opinions. When faced with the question, "should _this_ person have a lifetime supreme court appointment," I don't see how a senator could avoid considering how a nominee might rule in the future.
CRA also expressly allows racism unlike the 14th. For instance the civil rights act allows a business to preferentially treat an Indian in a near reservation (but off res) business while outlawing discriminating say in favor of blacks near a historically black neighborhood.
If the 14th had actually worked then the Civil Rights Act wouldn't have actually been needed, but there is a lot of hard evidence that it, or something like it, was needed.
I went back and forth whether to include a paragraph about how this swapping also explains the dynamics around things like DEI training, but decided against it so I wouldn't be getting it from both sides. Things were more pleasant when most people got this energy out watching football.
If you want to point me at other conservative principles I skipped over but seem overridingly relevant to you, please do. But even for the social issue of religion, which seems to be the defining aspect for many people, the figureheads are churchgoing Biden versus philandering Trump.
I'm sure that's there's a handful, but it's not what I'd consider even a miniscule population doing so.
If the president air strikes people and uses drone strikes using whatever system congress has said that makes that "okay" then he cannot be prosecuted for murder while authorizing and ultimately conducting drone strikes (in most circumstances).
However, if the president is having is own feud with some guy he doesn't like and finds a way to get him drone struck, that would not be covered by immunity because he wasn't acting as president in that capacity in any legally recognized way.
Why not? US presidents have murdered US citizens abroad with drones. All he needs to do is claim he did it under national security. SCOTUS explicitly calls out that the presidents motives are immaterial for determining immunity or not.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killings_of_Aaron_Danielson_an...
Intimidating the court into ruling in your favor with guns to their heads is an official act until the court says it isn't official, but the court can't say it isn't offical, because they've got guns to their heads.
That this system fails to work when it's axioms are ignored (i.e. in the stated case of a coup) cannot be construed as a failure of common law or an indictment on its 950+ years of success. Such act would be a failure of the Executive solely.
The founder's stated intent for resolving such a situation is why we have the 2nd amendment.
Many disputes about presidential actions are about what the constitution allows.
The majority said In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives. Nor may courts deem an action unofficial merely because it allegedly violates a generally applicable law.[1]
[1] https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
Since imprisoning the president would obviously intrude on the functions of the Executive branch, it really looks like the majority opinion is that no president may be prosecuted for any "official act".
> In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives. Such a “highly intrusive” inquiry would risk exposing even the most obvious instances of official conduct to judicial examination on the mere allegation of improper purpose. Fitzgerald, 457 U. S., at 756. Nor may courts deem an action unofficial merely because it allegedly violates a generally applicable law. Otherwise, Presidents would be subject to trial on “every allegation that an action was unlawful,” depriving immunity of its intended effect.
When it comes to it, this exact thing will be covered by immunity because of how things work.
Meaning, if the president shoots a random bystander on the street they can be charged with murder. If the president orders a military strike as part of an official operation and done through proper channels, they can't be charged if it later turns out the intel was bad or the strike went wrong in some way.
What if the President signs an Executive Order directing himself to shoot someone in the street?
Think of it like the police. An off duty cop is not acting under official powers. Even on duty, a cop is limited in what and how they are supposed to do their job and crossing outside those bounds technically makes them personally liable. I wouldn't begin to say we are any good at actually holding police accountable when they act outside their official duties, but that's a whole separate can of worms.
I read it and what is above is my understanding of how they attempted to parse the law, but I'm happy to be wrong if I missed something.
Or, if the President uses his powers to assassinate a governor -- again, explicitly not an official act, as the president has no authority over state elections.
If anyone bothered to read the constitution, it clearly lays out the sorts of things that could be construed as official, and the sorts of things that are not. The President does not have unlimited authority. His scope of authority is rather small, even if several important things fall under it. Part of the problem is the pervasive idea in American electoral politics that the president has some sort of power to 'promise' various laws and such. It's so silly since no President can possibly do that.
Cleary, clearly this was a partisan decision. They can't just say "We Have a King Now", so they dressed up just enough of a reasonable interpretation to be able to kill this particular prosecution, while allowing themselves wiggle room to prosecute the kings they don't like. They aren't really trying to uncork executive abuse, they really hope it doesn't happen. But they want Trump not to be prosecuted, and put their fingers on the scale with what they hope is just enough pressure. We'll see.
On the one hand: if you are president and you authorize the nuclear bombings of Nagasaki and Hiroshima to get Japan to surrender without further loss of American life, you won't later be prosecuted for war crimes when your political rival comes into power.
On the other hand, if you are president and you murder a Japanese person you see on the street when going for a stroll outside the white house, you can be prosecuted for that.
I mean, it's still really bad, but a few slivers less bad than you say :P
Not true, it depends on how he does it. If he hacks someone to death with a sword, that's not an official act, and it doesn't matter why he does it. But if he orders Seal Team 6 to assassinate a political rival, that is an official act. This example is specifically stated in the dissenting opinion.
One of the key things about a dissent, is that it's not the opinion of the court, but just that judge.
In general, one would hope Seal Team 6 would not follow such an act as they owe allegiance to our system of laws before any presidential order.
6 members of the Supreme Court said Distinguishing the President’s official actions from his unofficial ones can be difficult.[1]
[1] https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
Technically, the murder is illegal, but the pardon is legal because it's 'part of his official duties'.
There are any number of ways this can be abused.
You are clutching pearls over something that is already allowed. Like I said, Congress can impeach a president who does this if they don't like it.
Moreover, a president can't pardon state level offenses anyway, and I would imagine the murder would have to take place in a state. The state could simply retry the case. States have much more discretion in the sorts of things they can criminalize.
Drone striking (or otherwise killing) citizens without due process seems unconstitutional. Drone striking foreign targets does not have those constitutional protections.
Numbers are hard when they go against our intuition, but every US President is taking a comparable risk to being a soldier according to these numbers.
Obama took the risk of being a President while Black Trump took the risk of being a President while Orange
Ref 1. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalition_casualties_in_Afghan... 2. https://www.militarytimes.com/news/your-military/2016/07/06/...
Yes it's too much to ask every president to significantly risk jail time for being president.
exceedingly doubtful.
Someone's going to come along and tell me that the vitriol is necessary and good because the Supreme Court is so clearly and unequivocally evil, but that's just the point. Even the threads on the Israel-Hamas war have had better-quality discussions with more nuance than the hot takes and hatred that have been plaguing HN the last few weeks on these threads.
We can do better. I've seen it.
For the first time in American history a select group of people are immune from the law as long as the acts occur while carrying out their jobs. That’s a big deal. I can see that soon someone will claim immunity because they carried out an order of the President and their immunity extends to those carrying out “official acts” of the President.
Almost everyone today thinks the reconstruction amendments were good, but the fact that we had to fight the bloodiest war in our history to get them is not a compliment to our political process.
Like if you want to do a coup, as long as you task the army with removing congress it's an official act?
True insofar as it goes… but this elides the detail that the right just won a generational battle for the Supreme Court. There is zero chance that any Republicans back reform here.
Even the minimum viable reform to enact term limits after this lot dies off is dead on arrival.
Sure. Until recently, they were losing. De-politicising the courts could be electorally advantageous for both sides.
> the minimum viable reform to enact term limits after this lot dies off is dead on arrival
Because that’s obviously partisan. There are more Republican-appointed judges. Term limiting them obviously favours one side in a way drawing from appellate judges by lot does not. (The Fifth and Ninth are regarded as crazy by half the country.)
How recently are you talking here? It’s been a conservative majority for over 5 decades.
> De-politicising the courts could be electorally advantageous for both sides.
Perhaps in the sense that being more consistently moderate would be advantageous for either party in seeking to win median voters, but I think this is not true in terms of the party base dynamics that actually drive most of policy and candidate selection. The Republican base is _thrilled_ with Trump and Mitchell’s maneuvering to secure a decades-long unshakable majority. Campaigning as a Republican on “I would like to reverse the biggest win in our lifetimes” would be political suicide, and your primary opponents would be the most well-funded in the country.
> Because that’s obviously partisan
The last bill I saw had the change kick in _after_ the existing justices vacated their seats, so as to not be seen to attack the existing majority. Even then it was DoA with zero Republican support. And that should not surprise you.
I like your proposal, but I stand by my claim that it’s politically impossible as a bipartisan policy for this generation. The only way we get Supreme Court reform is if they overreach, moderates get fed up with strong conservative rulings, Dems win a landslide with a mandate, and pass a partisan reform bill.
I think you overestimate how much the political apparatus cares about the long-term. It's hard not to agree that de-politicized courts are good, more or less, for everyone. But the right-wing won a generational battle for the Supreme Court. There is no incentive for any right-wing politician currently alive to propose that kind of change today; if anything, the political machine would call them out for proposing that their party loosen its grip on the reins.
We'll see how the right-wing feels after this next election. It's not a secret that whoever wins in 2024 will likely get to appoint several new justices, though the court as a whole will almost certainly remain right-leaning. If that control does start to erode, though, expect to hear much discussion about making the de-politicization of the courts a priority.
From someone most Democrats would consider "on the right" - it's more complicated than that, of course - you're right.
The right had _lost_ that battle for generations, though. I don't recall any serious efforts to reorganize the judiciary as a result of that.
The "Hawaii judge" has been a running meme on the right for _years_. Pretty much everything Trump tried to do that was even a little bit controversial was fought in the courts, and the left tended to practice "judge shopping" to place the cases in Hawaii's district. The Ninth Circuit has been known as the "Ninth Circus" for as long as I can recall.
Of course, the right also practices judge shopping. It's just part of how things are set up today. The difference in this discussion is that we're now talking about changing the system itself because the left feels like they lost.
> Even the minimum viable reform to enact term limits after this lot dies off is dead on arrival.
I wouldn't be opposed to reform of some kind, but keeping the current nomination process and enacting term limits doesn't seem viable. The problem here is that Justices are nominated by the President. As long as that's the case, all term limits will do is make the judiciary less consistent. The biggest impact of changing the makeup of the Supreme Court more often would be to have precedent overturned more frequently.
It could be argued that the entire point of the way things are set up is so that the three branches won't be controlled by the same zeitgeist at the same time. Presidents get four to eight years. Congress can serve as long as they're re-elected, in two or six year terms. SCOTUS serves lifetime terms.
The fact that the branches are at odds isn't a bug; it's a feature.
Ranked choice also has only been implemented in a few cases and generally by a ballot initiative (getting around the party structures somewhat).
To be fair systems do change but in general they use their power to resist it tooth and nail until change is inevitable and they collapse.
His job is safe, but much of his salary--no, not quite the right word--much of his overall reward is dependent on what powerful friends want him to do.
Ultimately, people don't care about keeping their job--who the hell likes their job?--people want to keep their compensation, and for the US Supreme Court, their compensation can easily be controlled by powerful third parties.
Clarence Thomas is notably the least loved justice in a historically hated court
https://thehill.com/homenews/4019788-poll-thomas-has-highest...
And if we are talking about numbers that don’t matter, republicans won the Congressional popular vote four of the last seven times (by three million votes in 2022) and are on pace to in it again.
You can also look at the generic congressional ballot polling, where republicans regularly are ahead.
I'd say Thomas is to the right about what Ginsberg was to the left - the favorite of the core of their respective parties.
The recent controversy around Thomas's behavior did not spring up because his opinions on governance date back to his appointment, but because--to the outside observer--it looks like he is perfectly comfortable with selling his opinion to the highest bidder. Lifetime appointments are supposed to keep judges aloof from external influences, but it seems like that logic failed in this case.
Of all the currently-service Justices, the only one who has deviated from the perspective of the President who appointed them would probably be Roberts - and that statement is mostly based on a single ruling. It's not like he's well-loved by the left.
> unless the Government can show that applying a criminal prohibition to that act would pose no “dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch.” Fitzgerald, 457 U. S., at 754. Pp. 12–15.
This seems to be the real boundary. To show something doesn't have immunity you either have to:
1. Show it was an unofficial act
2. Show it wasn't part of the core presidential powers and that prosecuting it wouldn't have any danger of intruding intruding on "the authority and functions of the Executive Branch."
I think that last standard is related to presidential immunity from subpoena which courts have also recently construed quite broadly
> Nor may courts deem an action unofficial merely because it allegedly violates a generally applicable law.
So now the president can clearly break the law, and he cannot be questioned about it if it even remotely looks like maybe it could have been an official act? Surely, the correct ruling wold be that anything illegal is intrinsically not an official act, otherwise we wind up where the institution of the government is not bound by its founding documents. The executive branch of the government is a rogue entity with nothing to restrain it, as long as the president remembers to use a pompous looking stamp. For *certainly you can never show it was an unofficial act if you are not allowed to investigate because it is presumed an official act subject to absolute immunity *.
Mark my words. The next republican president will shut down any and all attempts to even question him or view documents, by preempting the investigation using this as his argument. And shortly later they will, most likely, start disbarring and / or incarcerating anybody who attempts to investigate him for "frivolous" persecutions that impede the executive branch. This ruling is very calculated, since they know Biden will not abuse his powers because of it, but there is an almost unstoppable amount of latent power that will be immediately abused by the next president.
Typo, McConnell.
This quickly becomes a standard ritual at the changing of each administration, and an accepted job hazard for incoming justices.
E.g. from the court's opinion:
> Whenever the President and Vice President discuss their official re- sponsibilities, they engage in official conduct.
It's not a huge leap to infer that the President, as Commander in Chief, is engaging in official conduct any time they ask the army (or its many contractors) to do something.
The only thing the Constitution says is:
> The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States
There's nothing in there that says they can't be used domestically, or for what purposes the President can control them. There could be some quibbling about what "actual Service" means, but I suspect it becomes recursive to "whatever the president says actual Service is".
The specific reason that everyone is freaking out is this part of the opinion:
> In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives. Such a “highly intrusive” inquiry would risk exposing even the most obvious instances of official conduct to ju- dicial examination on the mere allegation of improper purpose.
I.e. the president's motive is unquestionable, the only question is whether the action was taken via some power granted to the President. If it is, the President has immunity, and the president has _very_ broad powers.
"Distinguishing the President’s official actions from his unofficial ones can be difficult."
-SCOTUS
If you can't enter private comms into evidence, all a president need do is privately communicate the disappearance of someone, domestic or foreign, and that evidence would be barred from any possible court cases.
Of course, you could still impeach, but no criminal prosecution could occur. If you're 35, at worst (legally) you'd lose out on your remaining term.
The implications of this ruling are absurd, and rife for abuse, should one decide to go rouge.
Good on you!
I’m not saying it should be done, but that’s the reductio ad absurdium this decision leaves us with. The aspiring despot’s toolbox has been converted into a full-blown machine shop.
I hope you read Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s very important dissent while you're at it.
Some people actually have a clue what's going on. It takes work, you can't just lazily consume nonsense from journalists.
It's also worth noting that what someone thinks is legal is not necessarily what someone thinks _should_ be legal; I imagine that almost everyone here has at least some laws that they disagree with, but that's separate from the question of whether the law exists or not.
It's the same things cops do, jeez.
I understand your point and I'm not saying it's a great spot to land at, but I don't understand how the country's President can function if it were any other way. It's not just about Donald Trump, it's about 1 through 44 and 46 through whatever number we get to before this whole place burns down.
It seems to me the consequence would be that we would have Presidents who act carefully to not break the law. Are there any other consequences?
I've heard it said that "democracies are where the people in power lose". We've all seen "democracies" where the party in power never loses; those aren't real democracies. Likewise, I would say nations that are truly governed by law are where those in power face legal prosecution.
(Also, what's so bad about prosecution? If a person is innocent, the legal system will find them to be innocent, right?... Right?)
All this seems so rooted in "what do we owe the President?" while my questions here are more assuming the President is a servant of the people and is thus making a sacrifice to serve the nation and is willing to accept the risks that comes from making hard choices while being subject to the law.
Why should I believe his decisions are about principle when money is changing hands?
That sounds like an impeachment issue to me.
Well, kind of fair, with that caveat that this means even less Americans are likely to agree with Clarence or this ruling.
Just because a crazy mob attacked congress at the behest of Trump does not mean official institutions would do so even if so ordered.
There are good and competent people who say "I'm willing to be President and be subject to the law, I'm willing to do both". Why can't be pick a President from that group?
Can you find anything in the opinion of the court that would preclude it? I can't.
> In general, one would hope Seal Team 6 would not follow such an act as they owe allegiance to our system of laws before any presidential order.
It's a strange world we live in where a president can order something illegal but not face any consequences. I suppose you could argue we already lived in such a world, but now the difference is that he can brazenly do it.
We always lived in such a world. I know you might think the court did this to protect Trump, but realistically, the one who's more protected (since murder is a much worse crime than anything Trump's been accused of) is Obama, who ordered the murder of an American citizen by the American military.
I'm not sure what your standard of brazen is, but since he basically got not even a threat of impeachment for that, I'm going to go with that being much more brazen.
Not that I particularly care. Obama made the right call IMO.
EDIT: Here's an article in which the ACLU raises the same hypothetical concern you do (the president will now be able to kill whomever): https://www.latimes.com/nation/nationnow/la-na-nn-drone-memo...
Ordering the assassination of an American citizen not caught in the act of doing something illegal is illegal and Obama should be prosecuted for that. But his justification was that it was for national security, and as you say, some people think that's a fine justification. If his justification were that he didn't like the cut of his jib, then you'd be against it I assume.
As things lie now, rationale and justification don't matter in determining whether something is prosecutable or not, and that's scary, to me at least.
EDIT: Also, did you see my question from an earlier post:
>> One of the key things about a dissent, is that it's not the opinion of the court, but just that judge.
> Can you find anything in the opinion of the court that would preclude it? I can't.
This is a misleading partial quotation. In the context of what they were saying, the president has the presumption of immunity, but it is not guaranteed. They specifically remanded the issue of Trump trying to get Pence to break the law to the lower courts to decide whether there was immunity. They did not say there was blanket immunity.
The question then becomes whether that presumption of immunity is rebutted under the circumstances. It is the Government’s burden to rebut the presumption of immunity. The Court therefore remands to the District Court to assess in the first instance whether a prosecution involving Trump’s alleged attempts to influence the Vice President’s oversight of the certification proceeding would pose any dangers of in- trusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch.
Sure, but take a look at what I posted, and then the proceeding sentences:
> Presiding over the January 6 certification proceeding at which Members of Congress count the electoral votes is a constitutional and statutory duty of the Vice President. Art. II, §1, cl. 3; Amdt. 12; 3 U. S. C. §15. The indictment’s allegations that Trump attempted to pressure the Vice President to take particular acts in connection with his role at the certification pro- ceeding thus involve official conduct, and Trump is at least presump- tively immune from prosecution for such conduct.
I don't see any reading from that where Trump doesn't have blanket immunity. They stopped just barely short of saying so, with a clear implication of what they believe.
Certifying the vote is an official responsibility of the VP, and Trump was talking about that responsibility. They are not allowed to consider motives, only whether Trump talking to Pence about certification is within his official powers.
I would be very, very surprised if a lower court was able to find that the conduct was not in an official function. There's not a lot of room here once you take out whether the motives align with a presidential function.
I don't understand, just read the next two paragraphs. They say he doesn't have blanket immunity, and his presumptive immunity can be pierced, and explicitly sent the case back to the lower court to gather facts and decide whether he has immunity in this instance. All three of those points are not blanket immunity.
When the constitution was drafted, time delays necessitated that the military and the President act autonomously for the most part. Congress couldn't convene rapidly enough to expect them to have much say in all but the largest and most drawn out conflicts.
The War Powers Act is codifying this implicit power. The framers never considered a situation where the President and Congress is watching a conflict play out across the world in real-time and making decisions. So it's literally impossible to say how they wanted this to be handled. That's why they gave Congress the powers to write laws.
If the president actually has the authority to send troops into combat without a declaration of war, then Congress can’t take it away from him, just like Congress can’t make it illegal to veto bills.
The War Powers Act doesn’t really set any punishment for the president if he ignores it. It effectively says that if the president does certain things (consult with Congress, follow certain timelines, issue reports) then Congress won’t complain. Presidents have generally followed those procedures without admitting that’s what they’re doing (they issue reports “consistent with” the Act, but never admit the report was required by the Act). But if a president completely ignores those requirements, Congress has to figure out what to do about it; which is exactly what would happen if the Act didn’t exist.
> It does.
Since the Constitution is a publicly available document, would you please point me to the spot where it says that? Thanks.
Theoretically, they can withhold funding from the military. But seeing as the Treasury Department falls under the President, it's unlikely they can actually do that.
Real life is rarely this black and white.
Did you commit a crime, yes/no? Let's bring it to trial.
The circumstances are messy in all real world instances, but the outcome is binary.
Refusing to even put a president on trial is more black and white, because it's a clear "no, not illegal" without even discussion.
There hasn't been a single year of my life where US armed forces weren't killing someone somewhere in the world. The US military has been involved in armed conflicts around the globe in nearly every year since WWII but it hasn't declared many wars.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_wars_involving_the_Uni...
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_United_States_mili...
Wait, what? Executive branch pretty explicitly encompasses enforcement. The Justice Department is part of the Executive branch.
Unless by "Judiciary authority" you meant the Justice Department, and not the Judiciary branch of the federal government, and by "not the president" you were very specifically discussing the semi-independence the Justice department has from the president.
If they were, the whole cop-killers, BLM, excessive use of force issue would not be an issue. The law would just say "Okay, a cop killed someone, that's their job, get over it." You can argue that the criminal justice system is too light on cops, but the fact that the criminal justice system is even involved means that killing people is not part of a cop's official job duties.
Practically speaking, law enforcement does have broad authority to kill people. So long as that death falls under the training guidelines written by the department, then it's unlikely the officer in question will face any punishment.
Now, killing a person might be seen as a violation of their civil rights, entitling their estate to compensation for the death. But that's a punishment for the state, not the individuals involved.
[0] https://www.foxnews.com/media/trump-vows-fire-generals-push-...
It's fundamentally dishonest - and also somewhat delusional - to discount threats even if they didn't come to pass one time. People doubted Trump would try to hold onto office, until he did.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Formal_fallacy&...
Bodies that 'descend from the constitution' are certainly constitutionally intended to uphold checks and balances. However this has manifestly failed to happen.
You have a congress deadlocked for decades, 'unitary executive' legal philosophy centralising power in the presidency in order to temporarily pass this legislative deadlock, a senate readily obeisant to the majority party, and a supreme court stacked by the ultra right rolling back civil rights and checks and balances apace. Leading to decision like Citizens United and now presidential immunity.
You have the most recently defeated president still, four years on refusing to accept the results of the last election. A president with a significant base of religious, anti-state and rural poor devastated by decades of drug war and manufacturing decline. A president who openly called for insurrection. He called too on his vice president to overthrow the decision of the electoral college and defended calls to hang him when he did not - https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/nov/12/trump-capito....
The thing tank behind the dominant wing of one of the two political parties in the duopoly has consistently pushed the line that the country is not in fact a democracy at all - https://www.heritage.org/american-founders/report/america-re...
All this against a background of a small class the most wealthy plutocrats vying for power, apparently beyond the reach of legal censure. Plutocrats who between them own all the social networks, newspapers and television stations.
Lets not forget the immense power of the total surveillance state revealed by Assange and Snowdon.
Finally you have the vast disregarded body of the American underclass, sleeping in their millions on the streets. Invisible in Americas view of itself, but inescapable in the tent cities and skid rows that seem now to populate every large American city. The nearly two million imprisoned. An underclass that can be victimised and stigmatised, mobilised and made a boogyman for middle classes all to aware of their own vulnerability in the absence of a welfare state.
As a non-American it seems incredibly clear that the path has been laid for a seizure of power within one to two election cycles. Further, I no longer see a way this can be avoided. Trump if victorious - as he seems likely to be against a clearly senescent party machine president - will likely use every power afforded him by the supreme court to remain in power. I'd expect this to follow the pattern it has followed in every other democracy which has swung to authoritarianism. The rooting out of non existent 'conspiracies' of journalists and political opponents, stigmatisation of immigrants and other minority groups, mass deportations, voter deregistration and the use of external threats to justify controls on movement in and out of the country. The rapid stacking and delegitimisation of the lower courts. The use of an enormous network of mega churches to lend the leader the imprimatur of God. Ultimately paramilitary violence and provoked insurrections leading to a state of emergency and some kind of declaration of a temporary presidency of national unity or similar.
Doubtless this sounds histrionic - but I see no institution strong enough or even truly motivated to prevent it. The only hope I see is that such regimes are almost inevitably unstable and tend to topple within a couple of generations. Eaten from the inside out by ambition and betrayal.
Law enforcement individuals have extremely limited authority to kill people, exclusively(?) based on self-defense.
The law enforcement system has the right to authorize the killing of people but is subject to judicial review.
Ergo, if a law enforcement individual breaks guidelines and kills someone, they're charged.
If a law enforcement individual follows guidelines and kills someone, then the system is charged. (E.g. state/federal lawsuits, consent decrees, etc)
So this may surprise you but the government of the United States is naturally immune from any case where it kills you or harms you in any way.
Congress has consented to being liable because it thinks that's nice, but it withdraws consent whenever it wants. The entirety of the idea of 'suing' or 'prosecuting' the government is something that only happens with the governments consent and they regularly withdraw it if it's upsetting the them
* You cannot sue because the federal government and all state governments are immune from all civil suits naturally. Congress has consented to be sued because it thinks that that's a nice approach, but it can always choose to not be sued if it wanted to
On a similar note the communication time has vastly narrowed but so has the ability to perform attacks.
As an aside, I also have doubts that a chimpanzee would be able to successfully disable the safety an AK47. But it would be idiotic to leave that to chance and give one a loaded AK47 anyway.
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/mitch-mcconnell-immunity-former...
(1) before today, there was no solid answer to what immunity a president may have
(2) it's unclear whether 'January 6' is an 'official' act (or even Trump's act at all, as he was not involved, denounced the rioters immediately, and called for a peaceful assembly)
'Immediately' as in many hours after violence started, and his own children begged him to do something?
That's because no president has committed any supposed crime of any importance.
Nixon probably did, but resigned anyway, and was then pardoned, so it doesn't really matter.
Clinton was a technicality, and never removed from office, and no one cares really. Lewinsky is a celebrity now.
Trump... well the first one was obviously political (many Presidents deny foreign aid, etc... it's part of foreign policy. Biden is famously on tape as admitting to doing the exact same thing) and the second one was on thin ice as Trump explicitly called for peace
"Using the powers of his high office, President Trump solicited the interference of a foreign government, Ukraine, in the 2020 United States Presidential election. He did so through a scheme or course of conduct that included soliciting the Government of Ukraine to publicly announce investigations that would benefit his reelection, harm the election prospects of a political opponent, and influence the 2020 United States Presidential election to his advantage. President Trump also sought to pressure the Government of Ukraine to take these steps by conditioning official United States Government acts of significant value to Ukraine on its public announcement of the investigations."
I thought the USA was a country of laws, not kings.
* actually guaranteeing that if the president is trampling my rights and a supermajority of congress don't like it, he'll be ejected from office, not anything to do with my protection or restitution.
It is. The 'official' duties of presidents and the federal government are clearly laid out in the Constitution and subsequent laws. And moreover, the Presidents term expires at the end of four years, whether he believes it does or not. The concern-trolling over Jan 6 is something else. Even supposing the rioters had murderous intent and were going to hang people (they weren't... this was just a protest gone wrong)... trump would still cease to be president on January 20. No action needs to be taken to elect another one. The Presidency would fall to whomever is next in line and duly elected.
There is no way for a President to become a 'king'. The most years a President may serve is eight and at midnight on January 20 (or noon, I forget), no one listens to him anymore
> * actually guaranteeing that if the president is trampling my rights and a supermajority of congress don't like it, he'll be ejected from office, not anything to do with my protection or restitution.
Currently, the recourse you have if you believe the president is violating your rights is to file a civil action in a federal court. No action of congress is needed for you to do this. If your complaint is that SCOTUS, as the court of final appeal, may get your case wrong... indeed that is worrisome and indeed it's happened before, but if that's your complaint, then it has nothing to do with this case.
Your only recourse would be waiting until the President is out of office, then getting DoJ onboard to press criminal charges, with all the due process that entails. Fitzgerald explicitly provides no protection in the case of criminal litigation over and beyond that of an ordinary citizen for a former President.
Until today at least. God save us all.
EDIT: to clarify: Any president up until now, and from now going forward, has the power to command his generals to murder every senator, justice, and governor. Of course, American soldiers take an oath to the constitution, so hopefully this wouldn't happen, but he could. Moreover, anyone can 'just' murder all living politicians and declare themselves king. This is hardly a theoretical scenario to concern oneself over.
Like it or not, the allegations against Biden and his son have only become more substantiated over time.
Trump should not be punished for investigating.
The ruling states that the President is immune from prosecution while exercising official duties of the office of President but can be investigated by a special counsel that is appointed by an act of Congress, and if successfully impeached and convicted can then be charged with said crimes. “Unofficial” acts are not protected by this immunity but a special counsel is still required to be appointed by an act of Congress to investigate and then bring forward charges.
Out of context this is quite reasonable and level headed. In context of the hyper partisan landscape US politics are today, doesn’t seem likely without a supermajority opposition to be able to bring charges against a president, for official or unofficial acts that are crimes.
“In its ruling, the Supreme Court decided there was no question that Mr. Trump enjoyed immunity from being prosecuted for one of those methods: his efforts to strong-arm the Justice Department into validating his false claims that the election had been marred by widespread fraud. That was because the justices determined that Mr. Trump’s interactions with top officials in the department were clearly part of his official duties as president.” [1]
One of the president’s official duties is to direct the military to take actions that protect the country. Biden can reasonably claim Trump is a threat to democracy, and can officially request him to be killed. Right? If not why not?
1: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/01/us/politics/supreme-court...
Immune from judicial prosecution.
Not immune from Congressional prosecution.
---
This isn't a unique concept.
For example, if SEAL Team 6 improperly kills someone on a mission, they aren't prosecuted in criminal court; they are court-martialed.
There is accountability, but due to the unique nature of the profession, it has a specialized venue.
Part of the ruling was that conversations between DOJ and President constitute the President's official duties and "therefore" (per the three judges appointed by Trump, one who expressed sympathies with Jan 6 rioters, and yet another whose wife was an active endorser and planner of aspects of the coup) those conversations are protected and cannot be entered as evidence in a criminal proceeding against the President.
The more insidious outcome is that the President can now, because these conversations are official, officially order the AG to investigate and prosecute political opponents.
Maybe some court can review it on down the line, years later. Given the number of judges appointed by Trump, maybe not. Either way, the federal government and rule of law was massively, severely crippled yesterday by the Supreme Court
And the president is still subject to impeachment.
Yeah, it seems this would hinge on whether it was done to protect democracy (official duty?) vs win an election (not but who knows by now). If Biden gives up on running anyway, that removes that question. Then it may not matter much because it's not clear which testimony, recording or other evidence might be admissible where. Then it may not matter because the issue is not even whether that would be illegal or not - just whether the president would have immunity in case it is illegal - and there is evidence - and someone attempts to charge something
Interesting rough overview of that question is here:
https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/seal-team-6-assassination-hy...
Some positions seem more absurd than the usual. For example someone argues "SEAL team 6 would obviously not accept that illegal order" Which seems irrelevant every which way: presumes it's illegal and focuses too much on this one specific example. And accepts SEAL Team 6 for more than a meme - there are obviously lots of outfits other than that one.
Should former presidents be subject to prosecution for those decisions? Remember that criminal laws are often extremely broad, and you can use conspiracy and other legal theories to make someone liable who didn’t perform the actual killing. Heck, part of the J6 prosecution against Trump somehow involves an Enron-era document shredding law.
What I feel like the dissent misses completely, which is quite ironic given Justice Sotomayor’s history in private practice, is that not having any sort of immunity means trusting every prosecutor in the country with pretty much unrestricted discretion to stitch together vague criminal laws into criminal charges against former presidents. Why should we place such trust in prosecutors?
That is what the media - the same media who until a few days ago told you your current president was in no way diminished in his mental capacity - wants you to believe, they in turn were prompted by a 'progressive' judge - Sotomayor. It was clear from the outset that the media was lying about Biden and it is clear from the outset that this ploy about presidents being able to order hit jobs on their political rivals is a lie.
In short, think for yourself and you have a much better chance avoiding becoming a useful idiot as Lenin called those who blindly followed what the Party told them.
Couldn't he just make up some BS about a national security threat to make it "official"?
Did we just become a monarchy?
Prosecuting a president fundamentally is a political act, and why would we think a random DC bureaucrat better qualified to make a consequential political act than the Senate itself?
Under this decision the president can commit a crime or order someone else to commit a crime, and as long as the crime is committed using a power of the office, it can't be charged.
For example, if in an official communication the president orders an officer to solicit a bribe for doing their duty, the president can't be charged.
It's ridiculous, horrible, and destructive to the constitution.
- Biden issues a prepardon essentially deputizing anyone who detains Eric Trump or Eric’s laptop.
- We might endure some debate whether it is an official act. That debate actually only matters to Congress or future historians.
- Since the extrajudicial apprehension of Eric and his evidence is defined as not-criminal, there is no need to preserve details. Seal Team 6 and those involved enjoy a prepardon and some assurance that their names are scrubbed.
- This is constitutional if Congress has granted the President (Biden at this point) war powers and is satisfied that some elements of the military identified Eric Trump with the enemy. We’ll debate whether the President is a member of the military, just as we had to debate whether he was an officer of the USA under Amendment 14, section 3.
In reality, power can be consolidated to the point where these checks and balances no longer work properly.
Clarence Thomas even wrote openly that the concept of a special counsel is illegal.
The opinion explicitly rejects this line of reasoning.
> Transforming that political process [impeachment] into a necessary step in the enforcement of criminal law finds little support in the text of the Constitution or the structure of our Government
- Trump's lawyers argued in this case that an ex-president can only be charged with a crime if he was impeached and convicted for that same act. But all of the justices rejected this view today. The newly granted immunity is orthogonal to whether or not the president is impeached.
- Though, the president does have to leave office somehow before he can be prosecuted. He can't be prosecuted while still sitting. This wasn't technically decided in this case, but the parties mostly agreed as much beforehand, and the majority opinion has a footnote approvingly citing an Office of Legal Counsel memo to that effect.
- Separately, Trump's lawyers argued that the special counsel that prosecuted him was not properly appointed by an act of Congress. But the Supreme Court did not grant certiorari on that issue and the majority opinion today did not address it. Justice Thomas's solo concurring opinion, however, did address it and agreed with Trump (but a concurring opinion has no legal effect). In any case, this is a different question from whether prosecutions of ex-presidents must go through a special counsel. As far as I know, there is no formal rule that would require it, but it's highly desirable as a way to avoid political bias. That question didn't come up in this case, though.
Further more, historically there is no basis for the argument. Special prosecutors, which are different from the "independent counsel" that came about after Nixon; the laws around "independent counsel" expired a while ago.
"Special counsel", and all of the other similarly named, have been around since Marbury. By happenstance, some have been X-members of Congress, Cabinet members, etc... but far from all.
There is a reason why none of the other Justices brought this up, it is absurdist.
If so it is bad.
IMO the US president was already too powerful since the cold war, but this is crazy.
Look at Trumps actions during COVID. Did he use the crisis to grab power? Declare a state of emergency? Declare martial law? Suspend habeas corpus?
No he told the states to handle it.
The real fear Americans have isn't a Hitler situation, but a Hindenburg situation.
Well, the opinion is just as awful as everyone has said. For one thing, it is dishonest. The court spends a lot of time distinguishing the different presidential powers and levels of immunity, as if its holding had limitations. It doesn’t. The practical effect of Trump v. U.S. is that it is all but impossible to prosecute even the most heinous abuses of presidential power.
For another thing, the court really couldn’t manage even a semblance of textual or historical support for its decision. Given the court’s recent emphasis on fidelity to those sources, it really is astonishing! (And I say this as someone who is somewhat sympathetic to textualism in principle.)
I think it’s really worthwhile to read at least the syllabus and Sotomayor’s dissent.
France, for example, has prosecuted former presidents for things like bribery. But I don’t think you can prosecute a former president of France for something he told the Ministry of Justice to do.
I suspect this distinction between official and unofficial acts is also what most people assumed the law was, until Trump forced the Supreme Court to confront it under a particularly unsympathetic set of facts.
In context though, it's quite terrifying given how much the US has fallen into tribalism. Half the population wouldn't convict a certain candidate no matter what they did.
And the other half would convict him no matter what.
I happen to agree that he should be kept out of office, but I'd rather that be done by putting him up against an electable opponent than by giving his base yet more fodder for their belief that they're being collectively persecuted.
That's why I'm opposed to making changes to the way the Court is selected and empaneled.
The fact that it's inconvenient for one party right now is irrelevant. It'll be inconvenient for the other party soon enough.
> In context of the hyper partisan landscape US politics are today, doesn’t seem likely without a supermajority opposition to be able to bring charges against a president, for official or unofficial acts that are crimes.
Good. If it were easy to bring charges against a President, then Presidents wouldn't be able to do anything they were elected to do.
The failure of that protection at the end of the term is one of the major reasons for the end of the Roman Republic. If you repeatedly make powerful political figures choose between prosecution and violence, it won't take long for one of them to choose violence.
The fact that we've peacefully transitioned between presidents ~45 times is honestly rather amazing.
Leaving aside the difference between "bringing charges" and "successfully bringing charges," there's a big gap between "easy" and "impossible." Nobody wants presidents to be criminally liable for the things they do in good faith. But this ruling makes good faith irrelevant; it doesn't matter why they do an official act, it's immune.
The fact is that a former president exerted pressure on government officials in a way that would halt a lawful election and coordinated to subvert its true results by presenting fake results. In determining whether that was an official act, we cannot reference his motivations according to the SC's ruling.
Allow the motivation for official acts to be taken into consideration for prosecution, and a lot of the problems go away.
well last transition got a little exciting lol
I hate to dive into conspiratorial thought; but with a ruling so brazen, they might think this, and a few other steps, will bid them enough time to not worry about the other party having a slice of their same cake for the foreseeable future.
The president does not need this power and protection. The past 2 years are the first time this 'prosecuting a former president' thing has been an issue, and there are lots of unusual circumstances around it. To give the president such power in response to this seems like a very, very, very bad idea.
Presidents do not need protection from the people, the people need protection from presidents.
I know this sounds good but is it true? I've never needed protection from the president but presidents are occasionally shot at and sometimes killed. Presidents need the secret service because they do, in fact, need protection from the people.
And we have it: 2nd Amendment, isn’t it?
This opens a can of worms - no one can today imagine what that means, with a willy nilly fluffy definition of official act.
For example, from my understanding this means that Nixon's tapes could never have been used in any form in a criminal trial regarding Nixon's actions.
In today's political environment I don't see an impeachment ever succeeding unless the opposing party has a super-majority in the US Senate.
But AFTER the end of their (last) term why not be held accountable for their actions?
The opposite holding, where they are liable for everything, would be untenable. Could Obama be prosecuted for ordering drone strikes that unintentionally killed two Americans? It seems like that world would hamstring the president far too much.
I don’t know if they struck the right balance here (and we not know until the next time it comes up), but at least we have slightly more clarity.
Also I think we should all be reminded that there is separation of powers for a reason. The President is ultimately largely beholden to Congress. The government cannot sink into a dictatorship without the explicit approval of the majority of Congress. It is Congress' duty to remove Presidents from office that it feels are a danger to the country.
All these checks and balances still exist and will still be enforced. The President can not unilaterally go off the rails as many of these extreme hypotheticals seem to be implying.
https://teachingamericanhistory.org/document/transcript-of-d...
That's exactly what Silvio Berlusconi did in Italy.
I honestly, need to unplug from news, and just focus on nature.
With fear for our democracy, I dissent."
and
“Let the President violate the law, let him exploit the trappings of his office for personal gain, let him use his official power for evil ends. Because if he knew that he may one day face liability for breaking the law, he might not be as bold and fearless as we would like him to be. That is the majority’s message today. Even if these nightmare scenarios never play out, and I pray they never do, the damage has been done. The relationship between the President and the people he serves has shifted irrevocably. In every use of official power, the President is now a king above the law.” “Orders the Navy’s Seal Team 6 to assassinate a political rival? Immune. Organizes a military coup to hold onto power? Immune. Takes a bribe in exchange for a pardon? Immune. Immune, immune, immune.”
- Justice Sotomayor
https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=40529062#40529905
Sotomayor has channeled her inner-Scalia in her dissent, and she hit the nail on the head. This is now kingship, this is de-facto sovereign immunity.
This ruling was not constitutionally purposivist, it was not textualist, it was not originalist. It goes against the very founding of America in the contexts of its original conception and revolution. This is BAD.
What a sad shameless age. It's embarrassing as hell having these useless Federalist Society shills tearing down the respectability of this nation. Utterly brazen. How 40%-50% of the population can be so on board with this, be so excited & happy to see such endless Calvinball for their team is beyond imagining. It feels like liberals always are hungry for more or different from our own, will criticize our representatives endlessly, but there's an unmatched purity of boosterism for any win any win at all no matter what that's totally taken half the country, that there's no system of moderation or self assessment left.
Sotomayor's scathing dissent sums up my concerns on the matter. Even for Barrett, a conservative, the majority opinion was a bridge too far: even bribery now enjoys absolute immunity.
Rep. Adam Schiff gave the following interpretation: "Effectively giving a president immunity for any crimes committed while in office as long as that president can plausibly claim the action was taken in some form of official capacity. It must now be presumed that the president, as king, is immune from accountability."
https://www.militaryjusticecenter.com/blog/2022/03/can-you-r...
Strange that only now, with a super majority of conservatives and a 'conservative' former president facing insurrection charges, that such a ruling should come down.
And all this after McConnell assured us that impeachment wasn't appropriate for a 'criminal' matter like January 6.
The other half wants him tried fairly. We just expect he will be convicted because his guilt is more obvious than OJs was.
Since the prevailing view of Trump and MAGA Republicans is that they are fascist, it's not a stretch to point out that the proposal in the parent comment is far closer to "actual" fascism than the actions of an incompetent enabler.
If there were a pattern of presidents being unjustly punished for their actions, for political gain or retribution, then something like this might make sense. There is not yet a pattern, and I think that to strengthen the power of the president in such an undefined and potentially very broad way, should be done with great caution and only when it is clear that the ability of the government to use the legal system against former presidents is being systemically abused. I don't think that is at all clear, there just isn't enough data yet.
If they wanted to protect Trump from some of the current prosecution against him, they could have done so much more narrowly.
The Founders envisioned an extremely weak criminal justice system, especially for "their class of people." Defendants were given extremely strong protections, and convictions were the exception, not the rule.
The Founders were more concerned about facing a duel than a criminal conviction.
So they added other mechanisms for presidential accountability: impeachment, elections, and the weakness of the office.
These other mechanisms have become weaker and weaker, while the criminal justice system has become stronger and stronger.
Impeachment's happen, but not Senate convictions. The political parties have created a duopoloy on power which allow them to run weak candidates. Congress is less and less willing to hold presidents of their own party accountable. Dueling is prohibited not just criminally, but constitionally in most states.
At the same time the criminal justice system is becoming more and more powerful. Convictions are in the high 90%. Juries are very weak and at the mercy of powerful prosecutors.
The Constitution simply didn't envision a situation where the criminal justice system is more likley to hold someone accountable than an election or Congress.
Impeachment, elections, and duels no longer deter bad conduct. Convictions do.
So we have an edge case: a system that can only hold an ex-President accountable via a criminal charge.
Edge cases are weird. They create "sometimes it works and sometimes it doesn't" situations. And that's where we are now.
This is because "their class of people" were an honor-based society, in which reputation was the currency of power, and people with honor were expected to prioritize the national interests above their own. That is no longer the case.
In other words, there hasn't been a duel. So there should be another enforcement mechanism for making Presidents prioritize the nation above themselves that actually works.
This is a bit misleading. DAs have latitude about what to prosecute and if they don't think they can win, they dont have to bring it to court.
The DOJ has a high conviction rate, at 93%, but Federal cases are the minority of cases in the USA. Most cases are state-level, and the conviction rates vary pretty significantly (E.g., California has a conviction rate of ~65% for property crime: Table 6 of https://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/lr-2019-JC-disposition-o... )
If that were true then defendants would waive their right to a jury trial. They don't.
The conviction rate is high because prosecutors don't bring weak cases.
The constitution didn’t envision a sprawling legal services market to secure the freedom of criminals despite overwhelming evidence while poor people are enslaved like cattle in a nakedly classist and racist exercise of state power to maintain class divisions that afford the empowered unearned wealth power and privilege by virtue of birth.
Speaking of trends here-exceptions occur and get held up as some gotcha that only further betrays ignorance of the system and actually represents the calculated tokenization of the oppressed to act as a shield to scrutiny.
Prosecutors don't go to trial unless they have a solid case especially against a former pres.
You want public servants to be able to do their jobs without fear of time-wasting litigation.
But, if you grant blanket immunity, the poilice (or POTUS) are free to do whatever they want.
We're quite clearly tilted way over into "do what they want" territory.
This doesn't mean that the president cannot be tried for some illegal act that was not their official duty. Murdering someone, for example.
Further, it should be noted that the lower court already did exactly what the supreme court remanded back to them. They said "we don't know what sorts of immunity are granted to a president, but if there is any they are not granted, it's overturning an election as is accused in this specific case".
The supreme court took up this case specifically to help donald trump and because they couldn't challenge the ruling given they made up their own facts to give the ruling they wanted to give.
But if a president claims that a surgical strike to eliminate an "enemy of the country" was within their prerogative, then yes, a president can murder somebody without fear of consequences.
That is where probably the blanket immunity comes into play. Its not definitionally blanket immunity, but it might as well functionally be blanket immunity.
"Such a problem this thing called 'law' that people made, doesn't let me govern. If only i could do everything i want without having to concern myself with such petty things."
I can't believe this is the type of argument people are using to defend this abysmal situation. The US should have invested more in teaching kids about fascism and identifying its signs. Unbelievable that people are so blind to what's going on.
It doesn't invoke sovereign immunity through a loud roar, but from an understood nod.
So if the pres has anyone who can kill someone for legal reasons this decision allows the pres to use that person to kill for illegal reasons.
However one could argue that this is the logical extension of qualified immunity for police officers which is precedent the court has already set.
To be clear though, I think qualified immunity of any sort shouldn’t be allowed. It’s a subversion of any kind of fair justice.
It is also worth nothing that qualified immunity provides no protection for criminal actions, the enforcement of which are an entirely separate challenge.
The redress has been assumed to be federal elections.
If the President were to abuse the law (to the extent he could with the power of the executive branch), then he would be voted out of office in (max) 4 years.
This does not mean, including from the majority opinion, that anything the President does is immune from challenges. If the President directs a cover-up for his campaign (Nixon) or directs a Governor to find enough ballots for him to win or directs "alternate electors" via fraud (Trump), this is not an official action. Trump's lawyers admitted as much in the oral arguments.
Presidents are effectively kings now, won’t be long until one declares himself one for good.
No, we do not. That's the whole point of the checks and balances. If his political opponents are able to prove their case before the courts, showing that the president broke the law, then they should be able to.
Hrm. Surely the implication you're outlining here is that the President will be breaking the law while carrying out "the roles of the office"? Is that not a concern?
Why?
In the UK we of course have no president; all government actions can be subjected to judicial review, whichever minister was in charge. Judicial review is a civil procedure, not a criminal one. All the court can do is order the government to reverse the unlawful decision, and make good its consequences.
Trump's counsel did admit this, but the opinion contains no such carve out. It says "he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts" and declines to define what separates an official from an unofficial act, leaving it up to courts on a case-by-case basis. The dissent--rightly--points out that this is way more than Trump asked for:
> Inherent in Trump’s Impeachment Judgment Clause argument is the idea that a former President who was impeached in the House and convicted in the Senate for crimes involving his official acts could then be prosecuted in court for those acts. See Brief for Petitioner 22 (“The Founders thus adopted a carefully balanced approach that permits the criminal prosecution of a former President for his official acts, but only if that President is first impeached by the House and convicted by the Senate”). By extinguishing that path to overcoming immunity, however nonsensical it might be, the majority arrives at an official- acts immunity even more expansive than the one Trump argued for. On the majority’s view (but not Trump’s), a former President whose abuse of power was so egregious and so offensive even to members of his own party that he was impeached in the House and convicted in the Senate still would be entitled to “at least presumptive” criminal immunity for those acts.
It’s a strict constructionist interpretation, where the judiciary shouldn’t fix problems that the people, congress and States have the power to fix.
In the example of the President (Commander in Chief) directing the military to thwart political enemies, I think a strict constructionist might say, the people freely elected that President, 2/3 of States failed to pass an amendment curtailing the President’s unilateral command of the military and the Congress failed to impeach and convict the President, so the judiciary is hardly to blame when the people, congress and States all could have intervened if there was a concern.
There are obviously counter arguments to this strict constructionist view, which the minority documented. The counter-argument is basically, yes there are those other options, but we have to use a liberal interpretation in this moment instead of a strict interpretation in order to prevent some potential disastrous consequences. And if the people, states and congress don’t like our liberal interpretation, then they can overrule us using the same methods of voting, laws, constitutional amendments, etc. that the strict constructionists advocate.
I don't see how any interpretation of this text could imply that the president is immune from criminal prosecution. It clearly says a president is not immune from criminal penalties, how could they write this while also considering the president immune for offical acts?
Who's going to hold him to that?
https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/supr...
Out of the US, US presidents have always had effective immunity from any consequences, committing war crimes, disrespecting local laws and eschewing even the UN. Kinda like an expected consequence of everything else.
"there are probably 10s of 1000s of them" also feels a little lacking to me. Do we have concrete examples?
No one (that I know of) seriously thought he should go to prison for those acts, but honestly the argument seems pretty easy to be made without some sort of immunity.
We have monarchy after monarchy to show that sovereign immunity builds toxic ontological relationships between participants of a political system, and often invites tyranny. Your suspicions, for 238 years straight, have been amiss.
This has always been presumed to be the case yet it has never resulted in what you say. It's a nonsense theoretical as cover for what is otherwise utterly indefensible as making the president king.
* Bush fabricated evidence to start a war and never got prosecuted.
* Obama's administration literally sold guns to a Mexican drug cartel for no apparent reason.
* Reagan had iran/contra
* various different "collateral damage" fuckups under every administration during my lifetime where dozens of civilians are killed but nobody cared because they're poor, brown, and not American
* Kennedy authorized the CIA to raise a private army and launch an invasion of a country we weren't at war with.
And many more, this is but a small sample of the crimes presidents have committed.
But nobody ever gets held personally accountable for anything until Doritos Hitler comes along and commits a series of crimes which, while unconscionable, are comparatively minor next to the above listed. This ruling hasn't actually changed anything. It just codified something that has obviously been true for at least 80 years, and it prevented one party from selectively applying the law to a political opponent in a way which it almost never gets applied.
So my defense isn't that the president should be above the law (he shouldn't), but that he obviously already has been above the law for a very long time and pretending otherwise is just lying to yourself and the american people.
Starting the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan post-September 11 (Bush -- Republican), and the Gulf of Tonkin incident which led to the Vietnam conflict (LBJ -- Democrat) these were much more costly and problematic than the issues that happened while Trump was president.
The United States should concentrate on its citizens and not on being the world police, and should never get into any external war. Israel can get tank ammunition pushed through with no problem, but we can't get healthcare, childcare, housing, or education at affordable rates. This means that the priorities of the government are not aligned with the priorities of the citizenry and we need to re-align the governemnt with the citizenry.
We also have a childhood obesity crisis, with about 20% of children obese, which will cause much larger problems 20 years down the road when Gen Alpha is all grown up, and Trump and Biden are both dead. This country is not able to think long-term about how expensive GLP-1 agonists will be for 20% of the population.
Also, real inflation is still high; groceries, at least at Trader Joe's, are still much more expensive than pre-pandemic prices. I don't care what is going on in the world until we fix our own internal problems, which neither major party has shown a willingness to do.
As I see it the major political parties both use certain emotional issues including gun control, abortion, immigration to drive voter outrage, while ignoring the issues that are actually important.
Without immunity you’ll get the kind of shit they’ve done with trump, but against sitting presidents. Imagine if Obama had been arrested every time he entered Texas because the locals just feel like prosecuting him to send a message.
Okay, but now that hypothetical problem is solved, we have the opposite hypothetical problem. Let's see if it turns out to be more of an actual problem compared to your imaginary one, which never materialized in 250 years of the presidency.
My guess is it's going to be an actual problem almost immediately, as soon as someone with low moral character is elected. Wonder how long that will take.
> The President of the United States is the most powerful person in the country, and possibly the world. When he uses his official powers in any way, under the majority’s reasoning, he now will be insulated from criminal prosecution. Orders the Navy’s Seal Team 6 to assassinate a political rival? Immune. Organizes a military coup to hold onto power? Immune. Takes a bribe in exchange for a pardon? Immune. Immune, immune, immune.
> Let the President violate the law, let him exploit the trappings of his office for personal gain, let him use his official power for evil ends. Because if he knew that he may one day face liability for breaking the law, he might not be as bold and fearless as we would like him to be. That is the majority’s message today.
Without protection the executive would be at the mercy of the judicial branch. This is clearly an inversion of power.
Perhaps the solution is clean out our legal system wholesale so that it is obvious to all involved whether an action or set of actions could not result in prosecution in the future. Such an action was not within the power of the supreme court.
Under this ruling, the court system is generally not a way to keep him accountable.
So it’s not that there is no accountability or way to “punish”, a rogue president, it’s just a different method of accountability than what applies to you and me.
Congress can choose to impeach, but they are not doing so based on the laws of the land, but based on their own determination (whether it is in their best interest for that President to be gone or not), which (unsurprisingly) is split along political lines (which is why it's so hard to actually impeach the president).
Therefore impeachment is not a means to hold a President accountable for illegal or anti-democratic actions, but rather it is a means for a united Congress to have some power over the President in the event he managed to piss off enough people from both parties.
Impeachment is a political solution to political disagreements. This opinion makes most disagreements with 'official acts' a political question, to be settled by election or impeachment.
Critically (and thankfully) it rejects outright the idea that impeachment is the _only_ mechanism restraining a president. Criminal liability is still a viable mechanism for holding a president responsible for all unofficial acts, and potentially for some official acts.
So basically you have the right scared of former presidents being unjustly targeted in a way that threatens the democratic process, and then you have the left scared that the immunity will itself threaten the democratic process/enable dictators and corruption. Unjust use of prosecution as a political weapon vs just plain corruption being shielded.
It sure seems to me like it would be better if these matters could be handled on a case by case basis rather than in some black and white "former presidents can" vs "former presidents can't" be prosecuted way, but perhaps that is what will end up happening, not a legal expert.
That's largely what's happening here. The President _can_ be prosecuted for things that fall outside of the official role as President. This is not a blanket immunity.
You're in luck! The Supreme Court itself writes down why the decision was made. You can just…read it.
This is ridiculous! It's blatantly political and both parties are guilty of this. The justice system is meant to hold people accountable for breaking the law, not as an additional political mechanism for checks and balances. I haven't looked into the case and don't know the legal precedent SCOTUS used for this decision, but from a consequentialist standpoint this seems to me an obviously good outcome.
Today's ruling is a solution to a problem that no one has actually had for the last 250 years, and which no one currently has.
Can we prosecute Obama for ordering drone strikes on U.S. citizens? Can we prosecute Bush for the Iraq war? Can we prosecute Biden in a few months for deaths caused by his border policies?
Also, this is just how immunity works! Judges have immunity for their judicial conduct in office, and don’t lose it when they retire. When the GOP wins a trifecta next year, can they prosecute retired liberal justices for homicide for abortion rulings?
A president being incompetent or immoral in his line of duty is an issue for voters or congress to decide on. But a White House bogged down in lawsuits or petty criminal charges would cease to function.
Trump can now continually appeal his actions were official, delaying charges until after November when, if he wins the election, he can instruct the DoJ to drop the case.
Impeachment only applies to a sitting president. Not one who is no longer in office.
> One example not relevant to this case but which came up in arguments was the hypothetical payment of a bribe in return for an ambassadorial appointment.
Under Monday’s decision, a former president could be prosecuted for accepting a bribe, but prosecutors could not mention the official act, the appointment, in their case.
So, imagine:
Prosecution: You took a bribe!
Defense: Bribe? No! It was just a gift.
Prosecution: It preceded the intended action, so it WAS a bribe.
Defense: What action?
Prosecution: Oops.
> JUSTICE BARRETT disagrees, arguing that in a bribery prosecution, for instance, excluding “any mention” of the official act associated with the bribe “would hamstring the prosecution.” But of course the prosecutor may point to the public record to show the fact that the President performed the official act. And the prosecutor may admit evidence of what the President allegedly demanded, received, accepted, or agreed to receive or accept in return for being influenced in the performance of the act. See 18 U. S. C. §201(b)(2). What the prosecutor may not do, however, is admit testimony or private records of the President or his advisers probing the official act itself. Allowing that sort of evidence would invite the jury to inspect the President’s motivations for his official actions and to second-guess their propriety.
It seems a little contradictory ("second-guess their propriety"? isn't that the point of a bribery indictment?), but the outline is clear, I think. Prosecutors are restricted from 'probing' the act (asking for records, testimony, etc. from the executive branch) but can use all evidence they otherwise would. The official act can be mentioned. Accepting the bribe is the prohibited, unofficial act for which the president enjoys no immunity from prosecution.
Nixon was never prosecuted because he was pardoned so the official acts stuff is moot. Crimes committed in war/putting down rebellion/etc are bad but more clearly within the scope of official acts than anything Trump is accused of.
Reagan, to the extent that he did/didn't coordinate with Iran to delay the hostage release, would be the closest parallel since it would have been a crime (Hatch act violation) in the direct pursuit of winning an election. But that was before he was president so this also wouldn't be relevant for today's ruling.
We don't prosecute ex presidents often because most of them either don't commit crimes or the ones they do are arguably part of the job. Trying to prevent the legitimate transfer of power is not close to a part of the job. The opposite in fact. Nixon only gets pardoned because he agrees to fuck off and spare the country the shitshow we currently have.
> The Constitution, of course, does not authorize a President to seek or accept bribes, so the Government may prosecute him if he does so. [... citations ...] Yet excluding from trial any mention of the official act connected to the bribe would hamstring the prosecution. To make sense of charges alleging a quid pro quo, the jury must be allowed to hear about both the quid and the quo, even if the quo, standing alone, could not be a basis for the President’s criminal liability.
(I wanted to quote Barrett since she's a Trump-appointed justice.)
Chevron deference has absolutely zero to do with this and never would have. I'd go deeper, but Brandolini's Law is real and I simply don't have the energy any more.
I think you are looking at this backwards. There was an unwritten agreement between the people and the Executive, namely, that we understand there are things that you might have done or had to do while President that to the ordinary person would be a crime and we will let you ride off into the sunset unbothered after you leave office, but in exchange for this, we expect there to be a peaceful transfer of power. We have entrusted this experiment in democracy to you, and when its time to go, you make sure it is passed on. Even Nixon did this.
There have always been contentious elections - some have ended up in the courts - but at the end of the day, a process was observed and followed. Donald Trump was the first President to not respect this unwritten agreement between the Office and the people. And now conservatives are doing what they always do: They are saying that we the people are not protected when the Executive doesn't hold up their end of the bargain, but that we are bound to uphold ours.
But, yes, an impeachment or senate trial is likely unthinkable without a super majority. Driving conformity/uniformity is the goal of party politics.
The distinction between “official” and “unofficial” becomes meaningless when a president can use their official powers to do illegal things that benefit themselves in an unofficial capacity. Hence the absurd conclusion that, apparently, a president cannot be prosecuted for assassinating their opponent using Seal Team 6.
To me, it's clear that there's {President-the-President} and {President-the-candidate}. Furthermore, campaign staff are explicitly not federal employees nor members of the executive branch.
What really needs to happen, and I believe what the Court was promoting the legislative branch to do, is for Congress to pass laws circumscribing Presidential authority specifically around elections.
In the form of can-do and can't-do.
It's supposed to be hard to do. Impeachment is intended to be reserved for egregious violations or actions that most of congress (and by proxy, the citizenry) agree on.
So Nixon tapes discussing his campaign probably would be admissible.
It requires the senate to do its job though.
"The President might ignore laws on term limits, so we need to make laws that say he can't be held responsible for his actions".
That's clearly insane.
The claimed absolute immunity only extends to "official actions" made in discharging the responsibilities of the office, although a presumptive immunity (which is an immunity that a court could overrule based on lawyers' arguments that it doesn't apply) extends all the way towards the "outer perimeter" of the president's official responsibility. If things aren't official actions even in this "outer perimeter" sense, then the President doesn't enjoy any immunity according to Roberts' opinion.
And keep in mind that "official duties" in theory involves enforcing the laws that Congress has passed, so it's not carte blanche (except that Congress has given the White House a lot of carte blanche power to enforce various laws however it sees fit).
As for the "why", Roberts' opinion lays out these major statements:
1. The core matter of "why" should be, to try to make a precise application of the separation of powers doctrine. The powers need to be separated along some concrete lines, what are they. The claim Roberts makes is (in my words), if Congress were to pass a law that says "The Justice Department must be independent of the Oval Office," that would be arrogating some of the executive power which the Congress has exclusively vested into the Presidency, and would immediately fall afoul of the separation of powers doctrine. Similarly if they said "The President must under no circumstances send the lawyers of the Justice Department out to maliciously prosecute his political rivals for all their minor offenses," you know, that's a statement about how the laws are enacted and that's a power that simply wasn't bestowed upon Congress. And if all such laws would be void anyway, then the Court fundamentally can't find the President to be violating any law of that sort. So the determination is fundamentally that this immunity comes from separation-of-powers.
In the Constitution itself, Roberts points to the fact that the Constitution doesn't vest the executive power in "the administration" or some such, the power is vested directly in "a President" and they use that power to appoint their administration. The administration is their oyster.
2. Those concerns can be mitigated, renegotiated, reinterpreted by trying to appeal to what the original purpose of the power-grant was. So Roberts states flat-out what the Court's opinion was on the original purpose of the power-grant, and it's twofold.
2a. The power understood by the Framers, consists of marshaling the President's considerable resources towards enacting the laws passed by Congress. Roberts' decision goes to great effort to say that no man is above the law, that not all actions taken by a President-in-office are official actions, and that even among the official actions only the ones that directly pertain to enforcing laws and Constitution are part of "absolute immunity."
2b. But also, the framers of the Constitution intentionally built the executive branch to be "swift and decisive" after the Articles of Confederation produced an anemic executive branch that was unable to rally the States together to fight off the British. Being "swift and decisive" in this sense is almost just as hampered by after-the-fact prosecution as by in-office prosecution, because you are still having to evaluate "hey, if I try to enforce the laws that Congress passed by doing X-Y-Z, is this going to piss off some prosecutor enough to make my life hell after I leave office?" vs the same statement "...while I am in office?".
Of course, some amount of hesitation is warranted -- the President doesn't want to be impeached and potentially removed; and he would like to win another election. But Roberts is saying that the federal courts system isn't one of these sources of hesitation for those "I have these resources, and those laws to uphold, I am going to enforce these laws with such-and-so resources and those laws with those resources" concerns. Not during or after the Presidency, because it's not about "oh I have to go to court today", but rather about "Man, I have to go to Legal and get their opinion on this."
3. It lays out a foundational principle that the separation of unofficial and official actions should be done without any reference to what the President was thinking at the time, and without any reference to any generally-applicable laws. So if the President is doing something that a President could do as part of normal enforcement of the passed laws under normal circumstances, but is doing it for secret nefarious reasons and in a way that if a midrate businessman did so, they'd be guilty of fraud: Roberts says "that doesn't matter, it is still an official action regardless of his reasons and therefore swiftness applies and he's immune." And he outright states that this is for a "slippery slope" reason; the swiftness desired by reason (1) is not actually created if you then generate a legal loophole which says "well let's still have the courts consider these other parameters and maybe we can get the immunity disqualified."
The decision thus applies the absolute immunity to Trump's attempts to get the Justice Department to prosecute the (highly dubious) election fraud that he claimed had happened, and it applies the same immunity to Trump's threats to fire the Attorney General if he didn't do as Trump wanted. It says "yeah, it doesn't matter if you convincingly argue that Trump knew the election fraud was bullshit, and it doesn't matter if firing the Attorney General would have qualified at any other workplace as illegal retaliation."
4. Roberts makes it clear that as part of (2a) above he is not overturning past precedents which have placed presidents subject to the courts' subpoena power, even though that in theory also endangers some sort of "swiftness" of the job. So the judicial branch is kind of in this strange middle-ground position of "We can still demand our questions be answered, but we can't throw you in jail for doing what appears to be your job."
Kind of a strange ruling, but it's not total executive anarchy like you might expect. If Biden were to, say, tell his military "Go arrest the Justices, put them in overnight lockup, see how they like the world they created" there would probably be a strong case that, due to due process guarantees, Biden never had the power to order that and it qualifies as an "unofficial" act for which he enjoys no immunity.
The President of the United States is the
most powerful person in the country, and possibly the
world. When he uses his official powers in any way, under
the majority’s reasoning, he now will be insulated from
criminal prosecution. Orders the Navy’s Seal Team 6 to as-
sassinate a political rival? Immune. Organizes a military
coup to hold onto power? Immune. Takes a bribe in ex-
change for a pardon? Immune. Immune, immune, immune.
[1] Search for "SOTOMAYOR, J., dissenting" in this PDF: https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf> The opposite holding, where they are liable for everything, would be untenable.
Literally no one was arguing for this and there are much more reasonable interpretations of presidential immunity you could compare this one to.
This is a disaster for rule of law.
The question is, will everyone surrounding a president allow the president to commit mass cullings or nuke California. And the answer is clearly not, outside of delusional fantasy scenarios.
Trump wasn’t even allowed to build a wall, and you think his VP would have let him commit genocide?
Only where their actions were already criminal under the law. This is the problem. No-one should be above the law.
Unintentionally? American citizens were the intended targets of some of his drone strikes. They weren't in warzones either, it was effectively murder.
I feel like you'd have a different opinion if it were you getting unintentionally killed!
How would attempting to overturn the results of a free and fair election be considered an "official duty"? If it is, then the Presidency became a dictatorship, leaving impeachment by Congress -- an extremely difficult bar -- the only recourse.
Source: I'm from places that had the Supreme Court (of places, not US) overturn an election result due to fraud
I'm fairly sure there's a full and complete list of these is explicitly in the Constitution.
Roberts disagrees in the decision (p. 17):
> Distinguishing the President’s official actions from his unofficial ones can be difficult. When the President acts pursuant to “constitutional and statutory authority,” he takes official action to perform the functions of his office. Fitzgerald, 457 U. S., at 757. Determining whether an ac- tion is covered by immunity thus begins with assessing the President’s authority to take that action.
> But the breadth of the President’s “discretionary respon- sibilities” under the Constitution and laws of the United States “in a broad variety of areas, many of them highly sensitive,” frequently makes it “difficult to determine which of [his] innumerable ‘functions’ encompassed a particular action.” Id., at 756. And some Presidential conduct—for example, speaking to and on behalf of the American people, see Trump v. Hawaii, 585 U. S. 667, 701 (2018)—certainly can qualify as official even when not obviously connected to a particular constitutional or statutory provision. For those reasons, the immunity we have recognized extends to the “outer perimeter” of the President’s official responsibilities, covering actions so long as they are “not manifestly or pal- pably beyond [his] authority.” Blassingame v. Trump, 87F. 4th 1, 13 (CADC 2023) (internal quotation marks omit- ted); see Fitzgerald, 457 U. S., at 755–756 (noting that we have “refused to draw functional lines finer than history and reason would support”).
> In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives. Such an inquiry would risk exposing even the most obvious instances of of- ficial conduct to judicial examination on the mere allegation of improper purpose, thereby intruding on the Article II in- terests that immunity seeks to protect. Indeed, “[i]t would seriously cripple the proper and effective administration of public affairs as entrusted to the executive branch of the government” if “[i]n exercising the functions of his office,” the President was “under an apprehension that the motives that control his official conduct may, at any time, become the subject of inquiry.” […]
> Nor may courts deem an action unofficial merely because it allegedly violates a generally applicable law. For in- stance, when Fitzgerald contended that his dismissal vio- lated various congressional statutes and thus rendered his discharge “outside the outer perimeter of [Nixon’s] duties,” we rejected that contention. 457 U. S., at 756. Otherwise, Presidents would be subject to trial on “every allegation that an action was unlawful,” depriving immunity of its intended effect. Ibid.
* https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
The disallowing of considering even corrupt intent seems to be the real worry here. There's no distinction between using your power to promote general welfare and using it to line your own pockets or subvert democracy.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anwar_al-Awlaki
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Killing_of_Abdulrahman_al-Awla...
To my mind, that is exactly the sort of thing I'd like to be hamstrung by a fear of prosecution.
(Trump ordered drone a drone strike that also killed Abdulrahman's eight-year-old American sister.)
except Obama ordered plenty of drone strikes including on American citizens, so actual data suggests he was not "hamstrung" at all.
Judging from history, it is a pretty dangerous role as well and that doesn’t seem to have dissuaded many people. If there are willing to risk their safety, I’d think the risk of prosecution wouldn’t rank too highly either.
How about the one which intentionally killed an American child (16)?
Part of me wouldn't mind seeing that, but, I would have to agree that was an official act, regardless of how despicable it was.
But what's an "official act"? I would hope that courts consider that definition very narrowly. Also disallowing juries to see discussion of official acts as evidence for related wrongdoing is disastrous.
Ultimately, though, it won't matter. Trump has effectively managed to delay this particular trial, and much of the remainder of its pre-trial process, until after the election and after the inauguration. I assume if he wins and takes office, he can instruct the DoJ to dismiss the case against him.
The Georgia case can still proceed, regardless of the outcome of the election, but Willis completely screwed that one up with her idiotic romantic decisions.
> Could Obama be prosecuted for ordering drone strikes that unintentionally killed two Americans?
If you're referring to Anwar Al-Awlaki and his son, both US citizens, it was intentional.If you're not referring to this, Obama's already done this without getting charged.
Being POTUS is an unenviable job.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anwar_al-Awlaki
Edit: Since people are assuming my views on this topic, I'll say that they're seriously conflicted and I'm not trying to imply any particular viewpoint, only the facts.
And as a liberal I think “hell YES he should be prosecuted!” The government shouldn’t just go around killing citizens without due process. I don’t care what letter is by their name.
But... It seems he was a member of al-Qaeda, and the "Public Law 107–40 107th Congress Joint Resolution" passed by congress did authorize:
> That the President is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force > against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, > authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on > September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to > prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States > by such nations, organizations or persons.
That does seem to authorize extra-judical killing in this case. I am not really happy about any of this, but since we are talking legalities, this seems to apply.
https://www.congress.gov/107/plaws/publ40/PLAW-107publ40.pdf
Remember that the President can still be impeached for "high crimes and misdemeanors".
Am I wrong there?
Regardless, impeachment is there to remove the president from power. It can't jail or otherwise punish the president. The regular old legal system should be doing that, for everyone, regardless of whether or not they're an elected official.
Fortunately, the past rulings of this court have made the jurisprudence abundantly clear:
If Biden orders Trump to be assassinated, that's unofficial, and he can be prosecuted.
If Trump orders Biden to be assassinated, that's official, and he has complete immunity.
Easy, right?
I've got a pretty good guess, and it will be based on the political party of the defendant.
This is nonsense. The President can just assassinate all of their political rivals in Congress that would hold them to account. Before this ruling there was an assumption that any such actions would be prosecuted after the President was no longer in office (assuming they didn't have enough power to interfere with a free election). Now that can't realistically happen.
There's a reason why folks are saying this ruling, "paves the way to a dictatorship"!
For your hypothetical situation to arise, Congress would have to declare members of Congress themselves as valid military targets.
People are jumping on language in the decision that says discussions or probings about the criminal nature of the crime would not be admissible.
So Nixon ordering Watergate would still be admissible - Nixon discussing with his legal team or cabinet after Watergate broke would not be.
Most likely not. Watergate was a result of an election campaign, not official acts as President.
> Testimony or private records of the President or his advisers probing such conduct may not be admitted as evidence at trial.
And the 'smoking gun' implicating Nixon:
> Nixon then released the tapes six days later. On one tape was the so-called "smoking gun," showing that six days after the break-in Nixon had tried to use the CIA to block the FBI investigation of the burglary.
IANAL, but my understanding is under this ruling those tapes would have never been made permissible evidence in court. Giving orders to the CIA is certainly an official act, as much as granting pardons is, and this court has established the examination of said motives is out-of-scope:
> In dividing official from unofficial conduct, courts may not inquire into the President’s motives. Such a “highly intrusive” inquiry would risk exposing even the most obvious instances of official conduct to judicial examination on the mere allegation of improper purpose. Fitzgerald, 457 U. S., at 756. Nor may courts deem an action unofficial merely because it allegedly violates a generally applicable law.
"but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law."
I don't think this ruling is, on the surface, exactly what people are making it out to be. It certainly maintains a high bar for criminally prosecuting the president for something they do in office, but it is not allowing them to commit crimes with impunity.
1: https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/article-1/section-3....
If we refuse to recognize that harm under the current Rule of Law, then who is going to identify and prosecute "harm" besides politically motivated ideologues? It sounds like a surefire way to cement the separation of the Executive office from it's respective checks and balances.
https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2024-06-26/suprem...
> Held: Section 666 proscribes bribes to state and local officials but does not make it a crime for those officials to accept gratuities for their past acts.
Nowhere in there do they declare any part of 18 USC 666 unconstutional, which is what one usually takes "struck down" to mean.
The LA Times is at least correct in stating that the ruling clarifies bribes come before the act and gratuities come after, with different legal effect, but they seem to leave out any discussion of this bit inexplicably:
> For example, Congress has established comprehensive prohibitions on both bribes and gratuities to federal officials. If a federal official accepts a bribe for an official act, federal bribery law provides for a 15-year maximum prison sentence. See 18 U. S. C. §201(b). By contrast, if a federal official accepts a prohibited gratuity, federal gratuities law sets a 2-year maximum prison sentence. See §201(c).
Point being, no, gratuities aren't really legal either, they're just punished under different statutes. David G. Savage could've just used this line from the ruling as a much more accurate summary:
> Although a gratuity or reward offered and accepted by a state or local official after the official act may be unethical or illegal under other federal, state, or local laws, the gratuity does not violate §666.
And why did they do this? Because technically giving an apple to your teacher would be Federal Program Bribery otherwise:
> The Government’s interpretation seems all the more unbelievable because §666 applies to the gift-givers as well as the state and local officials accepting the gifts. Specifically, §666(a)(2) makes it a crime punishable by 10 years’ imprisonment for someone to “corruptly” offer or give “anything of value” to state and local officials “with intent to influence or reward.” So under the Government’s approach, families, students, constituents, and other members of the public would be forced to guess whether they could even offer (much less actually give) thank-you gift cards, steak dinners, or Fever tickets to their garbage collectors, professors, or school board members, for example.
But the "bribery is legal now" take you seemingly got from here is incorrect under any interpretation of the word "bribery." Using SCOTUS' version of the word, bribes are still punished by 18 USC 666, and gratuities are punished by 18 USC 201 (as well as other laws for both categories).
But don't take my word for it, you can read the ruling directly: https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-108_8n5a.pdf
> In a unanimous decision written by Chief Justice John Roberts, the Court held that, under Section 201(a)(3):
> [A]n “official act” is a decision or action on a “question, matter, cause, suit, proceeding or controversy.” The “question, matter, cause, suit, proceeding or controversy” must involve a formal exercise of governmental power that is similar in nature to a lawsuit before a court, a determination before an agency, or a hearing before a committee. It must also be something specific and focused that is “pending” or “may by law be brought” before a public official. To qualify as an “official act,” the public official must make a decision or take an action on that “question, matter, cause, suit, proceeding or controversy,” or agree to do so. That decision or action may include using his official position to exert pressure on another official to perform an “official act,” or to advise another official, knowing or intending that such advice will form the basis for an “official act” by another official. Setting up a meeting, talking to another official, or organizing an event (or agreeing to do so)—without more—does not fit that definition of “official act.”
Under this ruling, it would be entirely possible for Biden to declare Trump a direct danger to the republic and, as commander in chief, order him to be assassinated. Of course the "officialness" of this would be debated in the courts, but the reason so many find this ruling unconscionable is that it does basically say "the President is above the law - he just needs to do things under the guise of official acts".
On the whole the principle of this ruling is sound:
The President shouldn't be in a position where he has to wonder before each choice if he'll later be prosecuted for it or not. The boundaries of official acts should be spelled out clearly in the law, and when acting within those boundaries the President should be confident that he's authorized to make the tough calls.
The ambiguities that this ruling brings to light were already there, this ruling only exposes them. President Obama could theoretically have been personally prosecuted for killing al-Awlaki and now he can't.
Now it's time for us to explicitly identify in the laws what the President can and cannot do. That's a change that's long overdue.
We’re probably a decade away from a coup.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impeachment_in_the_United_St...
And, given the state of policing and justice in the US, civil litigation is often the only way to get any relief for over-zealous policing. And QI makes that bar even higher than it should be.
Interesting.
In reality it is an imperfect document that can never possibly be complete.
The president already has all the constitutional protection he needs from prosecution: a prosecutor can't remove him from office.
AFAIK, QI no longer exists in England (not sure about Scotland or N.I.). And Germany never had it (civil cases for damages would be against the state, not the state representative).
Isn’t that the same as QI?
So even if I some case they fail, there are no consequences so people can try again.
Yes there is also political considerations, but if the president feels confident enough to plan assainations of a rival, or for instance a coup with others in the executive branch, then he must feel he has that handled.
It appears so stable that it actually hasn't cause any of the damage you fear in over 200 years. That the chief executive is not above the law has produced the most stable democracy that's ever been conceived.
Certainly a president carrying out actions that call for prosecution would make the claim that those actions were either official or required to carry out the official duties of the office.
Any hope of justice now depends entirely on being able to draw that line and agree about where it’s drawn.
It's like saying, "Bribery is only illegal if it is called bribery during the commission of the crime. But also, The State cannot investigate what was discussed during such events without evidence that a crime was committed." They are basically establishing legal paradoxes.
~50 (out of how many tens of thousands?) former intelligence officers expressed the opinion that emails on Huneters laptop could not be trusted as absolute sources of truth.
https://www.politico.com/news/2020/10/19/hunter-biden-story-...
50 former senior intelligence officials have signed on to a letter outlining their belief that the recent disclosure of emails allegedly belonging to Joe Biden’s son “has all the classic earmarks of a Russian information operation.”
Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe said on Monday that the information on Biden’s laptop “is not part of some Russian disinformation campaign,”
These opinions, whether true or false, are insufficient to stop the laptop being admitted as evidence for a jury to consider - and the fact of that admission doesn't make the laptop "fake" or "not fact" ... liars give testimony in trials all the time and juries often hear and see conflicting "evidence", the reason for juries and lengthy jury discussions is for independant people to weigh up evidence and judge what they each believe to be true.Did Russia snag those keys from Google and retroactively sign forged emails? Were the dozens of clear, repetitive images and videos produced by generative AI?
Cmon, man.
¹ Obama and any other person in the same position
---------
To justify the Awlaki killing, Barron relies heavily on the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF), the law that Congress passed to permit striking al-Qaeda post-September 11th, and which was used to justify the US-led investigation of Afghanistan.
Awlaki, according to Barron, was a leader in al-Qaeda's Yemen-based branch, which is known as al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. The intelligence supporting this claim is redacted from the memo. But Barron claims that, because Congress authorized using "necessary and appropriate force" against al-Qaeda, the AUMF would thus give the US legal cover to target Awlaki.
"In consequence," Barron concludes, "the operation should be understood to constitute the lawful conduct of war and thus to be encompassed by the public authority justification." He also writes that the AUMF argument makes the killing justifiable under international law as a defensive use of force.
One possible counter-argument is that this is unconstitutional: the Fourth Amendment generally prohibits the killing of US citizens without due process of law. Barron argues that this case is an exception because capturing Awlaki was impossible — for reasons that are again redacted. If capturing Awlaki was "unfeasible," as Barron says, then killing him to prevent him from threatening the US becomes the only option.
---------
You may disagree with that interpretation of the law, but it seems — given that Obama was not prosecuted for this action — that the legal system does not agree with your disagreement.
Now the point is moot, since any president can order up the killing of anyone they like, because there is no longer a consequence for criminal behaviour. If you think the al-Awlaki killing was unlawful, I hope that you are gravely concerned by the fact that administrations no longer need to even attempt the appearance of complying with the law.
1: https://www.vox.com/2014/6/23/5835602/anwar-al-awlaki-memo
Nothing new.
Assuming the abuse of power does not prevent this.
It feels like once an act is to be classified as unofficial, then evidence of same cannot be covered, regardless of whether it's personal or not.
So maybe whittled down to "You can't go on an investigation of the President's personal/private documents because you have a suspicion of an unofficial act." Which feels more like the Supreme Court's intent.
> Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
So I think the intended process is that congress must impeach and convict first, and then after that they are subject to criminal prosecution.
So I’m guessing that the Federal government or US State can’t unilaterally prosecute the President for an official act if they haven’t been impeached.
Further reading...
https://harvardlawreview.org/forum/vol-136/the-imperial-supr...
Because there's a gap between here and there, and we don't want to make that gap narrower than it already is. The president can now do a whole lot of illegal shit that falls short of "assassinating anyone at any time," and face no consequences. By allowing one we inch closer to the other.
The majority opinion is pretty clear that of the indictments, 3 have pretty good grounds to proceed.
Well it kind of does, because the president has the power to stop impeachment from ever happening in the first place, if they're willing to command the military to.
So... exactly what they've been doing for the past four years already?
A mayor gave a large contract to a local business owner who then gave the mayor $13,000 in gifts and "advisory" fees. SCOTUS said that was okay, because the mayor didn't explicitly agree to a "quid pro quo" bribery deal before giving out the contract. They jumped through hoops to avoid the "rewards" part of the law.
So if you get your old public position back, you might be able to reap some SCOTUS-blessed rewards.
As a trivial example: imagine you are charged with a misdemeanor you absolutely didn’t do. Assuming you have no previous criminal record the state offers you a civil penalty (ie an expensive speeding ticket).
Are you going to go to trial knowing you could be sentenced to a year in prison? Keep in mind just paying an attorney to represent you through the trial will cost several times the civil penalty.
The OP claims that juries can be bullied by a prosecutor into delivering a guilty plea. But if this were so, defendants would choose a bench trial as it would a safer bet. They do not, because juries are not bullied by prosecutors.
They do, overwhelmingly. Plea bargaining accounts for almost 98 percent of federal convictions and 95 percent of state convictions in the United States.
My point still stands. For cases that go to trial, if they jury is just a pawn for prosecution, the defendants would choose a bench trial. They do not, so this argument does not hold water.
He was advised to do a bench trial.
The idea was the evidence was so strongly in his favor that only an idiot would find him guilty, and a judge was less likely to be an idiot than a jury.
It worked out splendidly. The trial didn’t even finish. The judge halted the trial half way through and “advised” the prosecution to drop charges, which they did.
This is of course not representative. But if I were ever in the same spot, I’d seriously consider a bench trial.
The President's power as Commander in Chief is enumerated, so having Seal Team 6 whack DeSantis would be absolutely immune to prosecution.
This does not seem to fit either the examples set in the majority opinion or a reasonable understanding of what the President's enumerated power as commander in chief means. In the absence of a Congressional declaration of war against Ron DeSantis (which I am all for) the President's core duty would seem to cover killing DeSantis only in the event of a clear and present danger to the nation from DeSantis. Otherwise this is rebuttable, and will be pretty easily rebutted, immunity.
Yes, we are relying on the courts to carve that kind of fine distinction, and yes, this decision makes that a bit harder. But hardly impossible, and we were already relying on the courts for that. Subjecting this decision to the most ridiculous interpretation is politically useful right now but that's about all it's good for.
I wouldn't say that the history and tradition of the office is to have Delta Force manufacture artistic pottery cups for children to drink milk from while at school. That action in that time and place would not seem to fall within the role of Commander in Chief (regardless of his intent / subjective belief that the use of fine porcelain may provide some tactical advantage).
That was the whole point of the decision - the official in question gets to determine what is/isn't an official action.
This court would rule that people upset about the president assassinating all their rivals should just get elected president and change the policy.
After all, they already did say that women that want health care and the right to prevent (according to the court) overwhelmingly male politicians from messing with their lady bits should just run for Supreme Court and overturn their recent rulings.
>> On Trump’s view, the alleged conduct qualifies as official because it was undertaken to ensure the integrity and proper administration of the federal election. As the Government sees it, however, Trump can point to no plausible source of authority enabling the President to take such actions. Determining whose characterization may be correct, and with respect to which conduct, requires a fact-specific analysis of the indictment’s extensive and interrelated allegations. The Court accordingly remands to the District Court to determine in the first instance whether Trump’s conduct in this area qualifies as official or unofficial. Pp. 24–28.
Which seems a key window for the lower court to send the case back up.
Trump attempted to influence non-federal election officials.
Trump had no Presidential authority to do so. (Elections being run by the states)
Ergo, that was not an official act.
Granted, the special counsel would have to prove that without using the Presidential personal notes... but it's still a pretty clear path given the non-Presidential documentation all the conspirators kept.And it does make sense by the Supreme Court's reasoning: you can't restrict the President from running the executive branch, but you can hold him accountable for the things he does outside of the executive branch, which critically includes elections themselves.
Why should we instead trust a single person with an absolute immunity for vague “official acts”? Said person is way more powerful than any of the prosecutors.
Being able to do what you want, so long as you “kiss the ring” has unfortunately been a reliable path to temporary and virtueless power
Unless the non-activist citizen votes to give their power to the most virtuous, they generally default to giving away power to someone they believe will ultimately give them priority with the least amount of impact to their core personality trait
it's my understanding that they can't use testimony or notes from advisors et. al. which is troubling since they are or can be the co-conspirators.
> Presidents cannot be indicted based on conduct for which they are immune from prosecution. On remand, the District Court must carefully analyze the indictment’s remaining allegations to determine whether they too involve conduct for which a President must be immune from prosecution. And the parties and the District Court must ensure that sufficient allegations support the indictment’s charges without such conduct. *Testimony or private records of the President or his advisers probing such conduct may not be admitted as evidence at trial.*
I.e. anything that would have a chilling effect on the President's ability to direct the executive
Outside of that, e.g. campaign staff, is a different matter. And I believe there's already a distinction between government employees and campaign employees (probably for campaign finance reasons).
The short version is that Chevron was not a doctrine used in any and all cases where the law was ambiguous, it was always about whether an administrative agency's interpretation of the law was permissible. The subjects under consideration here do not fall under administrative law [0] and so Chevron would never have been relevant.
Every SCOTUS Justice, except for for Thomas, was an absolute top-tier jurist at the time they were appointed.
Every SCOTUS Justice, except Thomas, could have received a tenured professorship at any law school in the country, a partnership at any law firm in the country, editorship of almost any law journal in the country, etc.
Any one, including Thomas, would have been welcome as a professor at the Unversities of Oxford, Cambridge, Edinburgh, Sydney, etc; a magic circle UK law firm; or as arbiter in international trade.
Any one, including Thomas, would have been a shoe in for attorney general or solicited general of US. Any one, including Thomas, could have gotten a position as US Attorney in either a Democratic or Republican administration.
We have an insanely well qualified SCOTUS, mostly because of how arduous the confirmation process is.
How do you go 10 years without even asking a question (https://www.cnn.com/2016/02/29/politics/supreme-court-claren...) if you're so good you could be an attorney general.
He's lazy, and that's even worse than just being a sex predator (Anita Hill) in the context of jurisprudence. He writes the shortest, shittiest, least well thought out opinions. He's phoning it in and has been for decades now.
Seems that our best justices are "political hacks" and our worst are those who are excellent lawyers. Maybe that's because lawyers are only slightly above "used car salesman" in terms of honesty?
Shit dude, If law credentials mattered, than Comey wouldn't have ever been an attorney (Cooley law, worst law school in america). Was he also a "political hack"?
How exactly do you think a qualified, non-partisan judge should decide cases?
I don’t know how justices should decide cases (not a constitutional law scholar, what are your credentials?) but I know that the majority in this one is wrong and should be impeached. The federalists are a cancer on the legal profession. Failure to self police has allowed them to fester when healthy communities would properly ostracize and treat such demented people but here we are.
Perhaps we can all band together to gift these clowns rvs and luxury vacations to get a public healthcare option for everyone?
Are any of the SCOTUS justices “unqualified”? I think all of them have the kinds of backgrounds you’d expect from a Supreme Court justice-law professorships, appellate courts, etc
Are they the best legal minds available? Arguably not, on both sides - in recent decades, both major parties prioritise political/ideological reliability over legal brilliance. Consider someone like Richard Posner, formerly of the 7th Circuit - many consider him one of the brightest legal minds of his generation, and surely the Supreme Court would have benefited from his membership in it - but he never had much hope, because he was too conservative for Democrats, not conservative enough for Republicans.
Half the country doesn’t share your faith that career prosecutors will do “what’s good for the country” instead of indulging their personal biases.
I would point out that prosecuting Trump under Sarbanes Oxley (a financial fraud law) for supposed insurrection doesn’t exactly engender trust and confidence in career prosecutors.
This case came up because a sitting President supported an insurrection.
The law is about the application of principles.
Sure. The President is elected.
Sure. Prosecutors are not. We don’t trust unelected prosecutors.
Sure. The Judges are not elected…
Therefore We don’t trust judges.
——
Frankly with the powers provided, the dems should really just exercise them.
I’m pretty certain that will immediately shift the narrative.
Why do you presume that the dissent did not consider this? What are your qualifications to think you’ve considered this more completely than the SCOTUS (whether or not you agree)?
> Should former presidents be subject to prosecution for those decisions?
Yes! That war crimes have become normal behavior for US Presidents doesn't mean that we now need more legal frameworks for protecting from prosecution of them.
It seems to me that, if we are to actually become a nation of laws and not of men, we need to acknowledge and account for the crimes in office of virtually every president. And if that's too difficult to do, politically speaking, then we simply aren't what we say we are.
> Remember that criminal laws are often extremely broad, and you can use conspiracy and other legal theories to make someone liable who didn’t perform the actual killing.
This is also a huge problem. It seems that many of us walk around unknowingly subject to capricious prosecution for felonies (according to one author, three felonies a day[0]). How can we have equal protection under the law when any of us can be prosecuted at any time, and the matter of which of us are is one of political discretion?
---- > What I feel like the dissent misses completely, which is quite ironic given Justice Sotomayor’s history in private practice, is that not having any sort of immunity means trusting every prosecutor in the country
While the dissent is unsatisfying in some ways (including following the trend of exhaustive and distracting analysis of the particular facts of the case instead of sharp focus on the ostensibly simpler constitutional issues), you are mistaken, as the phenomenon you are describing is contemplated at length - 9 pages (13-21) are committed to this analysis [1].
0: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6611240-three-felonies-a...
1: https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf
The inverse of total immunity (freedom, no jury, no trial) would be total oppression (prison, no jury, no trial).
There's a strong argument that the candidate in question shouldn't be in the position he was in is because he acted inappropriately. Not just in demeanor and professionalism, but he has several ongoing criminal trials going right now. There is a real possibility that he committed treason.
But even so, no one is really opposed to him gaining office if that's what truly people want. At that point, the concern is what the hell is wrong with the people that voted him in, and what the hell happened to get the population to that point. My guess is Reagan.
There is just a lot more power invested in republican elites than democrat elites than we realized.
There are organized efforts, decades long to skew courts, remove laws, increase dysfunction to prove the point that government fails.
Medicare was based on Romney’s model, and he was forced to disown it because the party would rather be partisan than give democrats a win.
Partisanship, divisive politics get you here. It gets you Fox News, and infowars. It gets you the idea that everything is a liberal conspiracy, like evolution.
Hell, people heard “build a wall” and were cool with it.
I believe the term that was coined by republicans for people whose feelings are hurt was snowflakes. the
I don't understand how anyone can genuinely believe that.
Half the population has an absolutely astounding and embarrassing level of education, think things like climate change are hoaxes, don't care about the constitution and just want Jesus' word to be law, etc etc etc.
The problem is absolutely the voters. It's also why this model of democracy is actually kind of terrible unless you have an educated population. We're basically watching the fall of the American Empire here.
No, not enough. The lack of 'both sides' is what got us here.
You want to know what the hell is wrong with the people who voted him in? They have felt alone, disenfranchised, and cut off by the coastal elite (both sides!) for decades. One party took their vote for granted, the other wished that they didn't have a vote at all. They got sick of being ignored and condescended to, and a freaky sociopath named Donald Trump realized that they were the key to "winning" his perverted game and he finally successfully courted them.
They fell over themselves for Trump because no one else spared them a second thought.
So no, I'm not going to be done with 'both sides'. The Left thinks that if they just prosecute Trump and get him convicted these people will just go away and we can go back to business as usual, but this populist movement has found its voice and it's not going anywhere.
The only thing that's going to stop this from turning tragic is for the Left to figure out that these people exist and have a vote and find a way to speak to them. And the only way I have to help is to cry "both sides". Trump voters are normal people with very real needs, and our only hope to avert catastrophe is to see them and hear them.
lol, why are you going out of your way to reply to this? It's not in my comment, and it wasn't in the comment when you logged in to reply. Did you copy and paste it from your rss feed or whatever specifically to be able to reply to it? That's really weird. Anyway.
> They have felt alone, disenfranchised, and cut off by the coastal elite (both sides!) for decades.
The problem is they have no education and have no idea how to think critically. In society we have made it such a bad thing to be 'stupid', combine that with studies showing being wrong can be similar to being physically hurt [0], well, now we have a population that has no education, is religious and rejects science, doesn't want to be called stupid or be wrong, so they rally around 'alternative facts' and a charlatan who they see as one of them.
The only solution here is mandatory re-education and/or limiting who can vote, or hopefully waiting for the oldest and most stubborn conservatives to die out so alphas and gen-z can vote with a little more heart and brain.
> So no, I'm not going to be done with 'both sides'. The Left thinks that if they just prosecute Trump and get him convicted these people will just go away and we can go back to business as usual,
Trump's an especially bad candidate to be leader, the left just wants the Romney style republicans back. You know, not the science denying nazi wackos obsessed with guns and controlling women's bodies.
The left isn't the problem here, and never has been.
[0] https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2016/feb/28/why-bei...
> in a bribery prosecution, for instance, excluding “any mention” of the official act associated with the bribe “would hamstring the prosecution.” Post, at 6 (opinion concurring in part); cf. post, at 25–27 (opinion of SOTOMAYOR, J.). But of course the prosecutor may point to the public record to show the fact that the President performed the official act. And the prosecutor may admit evidence of what the President allegedly demanded, received, accepted, or agreed to receive or accept in return for being influenced in the performance of the act. See 18 U. S. C. §201(b)(2). What the prosecutor may not do, however, is admit testimony or private records of the President or his advisers probing the official act itself. Allowing that sort of evidence would invite the jury to inspect the President’s motivations for his official actions and to second-guess their propriety
Admittedly it’s a bit contradictory, but still helpful I think. The pardon is the official act, and the president is immune from criminal prosecution (and legislation) of the form “it was a crime to give that pardon” without further qualification. The prosecutor cannot compel presidential records or testimony. All the other tools are still available to the prosecutor and the unofficial act of accepting a bribe is still a crime.
This ruling is meant to protect the office from precisely these types of politically motivated attacks.
Trying to blackmail Ukraine into providing dirt on his political rival by withholding congressional funding, getting rid of Comey, and requesting that some additional votes for him should be found are the top 3 that come to my mind.
I couldn't give two shits about extramarital sex, and I honestly would have expected him to write about said sex on twitter sooner than cover it up. I don't think the campaign donors would have been too steamed about where that money went either. It's not like him dipping into his other charities (which I find more despicable than hush money.)
I wonder why this was the charge that stuck.
This has always been possible (Nixon v. Fitzgerald) but has never happened. Choose whatever reason you want: any amount of decency, any sense of shame, low odds of winning, likelihood of terrible retribution from generally good people.
The courts should decide if that act is legally permitted, but it would be a tough pull to think that he should be personally responsible for that, including potential jail time.
Now egregious cases that fall outside of the reasonable expectations of the role of the President. Sure, those should go to the courts. But I don't think this case prevents that. Most of what Trump did after the election, IMO, was clearly as a candidate, not a President.
I know someone who recently took a bench trial. No evidence of a crime was presented. The closing argument was the defense was "There was zero, zip, zilch evidence of any crime committed, and no mention of the defendant by anyone." The judge found the defendant guilty and then retired the next day. It's on appeal. C'est la vie.
(OTOH I saw a judge take a bench trial on a crime they'd committed, and their buddy was the trier of fact. The first witness had barely stepped onto the stand when the defendant was pronounced not guilty. LOL)
This would be challenged in court by the victims of the President's spying, and the court would ultimately decide whether or not the spying constituted an "official act".
Years of zero consequence. Imagine what an egomaniacal, unethical, vengeful, unempathetic, asshole could do with all of that power.
This ruling serves one specific purpose: to protect one single person from the consequences of their crimes.
Maybe, but does it follow that there's no protection for "official acts?" Go read some criminal statutes, and see what it would take for a creative red state prosecutor to pin something on Obama for ordering drone strikes killing American citizens. Or do you think Biden couldn't be charged with something in connection with his border policies?
One must understand that the more safeguards we have to enact retribution in these cases, the better. You're not supposed to point to one after loss of another - you're supposed to point towards as many as possible. Before today, the courts were the one we pointed to the most, and they are no longer nearly as much at our disposal as they were before this morning.
Based on that, I would assume the targeter did not know whom they were targeting. Or they did, knew the orders came from the National Command Authority[1] (Eg. POTUS) and did it anyway. I would have.
1. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Command_Authority_(Un...
It was first. It was also relatively simple in both law and fact, so there were fewer opportunities for delay. Even so, it was more than a year from indictment to conviction.
The hush payment would not even have been an issue if they didn't use campaign money or Cohen as middle man, that's the illegal part. If Trump just wrote a check directly it would not have been an issue and we would likely never know about it unless NDAs were broken.
They could argue that if she came forward it would reduce American's faith in their government leading to instability or that it would provide an opportunity for our enemies to use the scandal to undermine national interests, or they could argue that the "vindictive ex" might expose secrets that she learned while in proximity to government officials, or even just lie and say she stole the secrets.
The president doesn't even have to murder her. The president can now disappear people in the middle of the night and ship them off to gitmo under the banner of "national security" and not tell anyone about it, and even if someone leaked that the cells in Guantanamo Bay were filling up even the supreme court wouldn't be allowed to see the evidence. Any trial at all would take place in secret military courts closed to the public.
This was the farthest thing from a moderate decision. It puts the president literally above the law. There is zero need for this kind of immunity when the actions a president takes while in office are legal, which is how we've gone nearly 250 years without ever once needing it.
I think you've been so riled up that you are worried over impossibilities. Judge Chutkan gets a pass at interpreting this, wait and see what she says about it. The kind of arguments you are suggest are wildly implausible and will never pass muster in any court, regardless of appointee. It explicitly isn't the intent of the decision.
Why obviously? If mistress is causing "harm" to other official actions would it not be official duty to prevent this harm? You and I may not buy such a defence but a sympathetic audience of allies?
So its not necessarily that words don't have meaning. Its more of, the words can change meaning.
The Roberts court is just arbitrarily choosing whatever justification they happen to like for any given case to push an extremist agenda.
[edit] removed the word militia to avoid confusion between historic and modern definition.
If a president discusses with his cabinet how to fight a war in a way that is possibly illegal (and then orders it), that is an official act, executing illegal actions, and is immune.
What is the difference between that and preventing the transfer of power to your political opponent?
Especially since now parts of your activity's are "official" and cannot be mentioned in court, and part of your activities are not official which are potentially prosecutable, see Barrett's arguments.
Got to love it when supreme court creates all these exiting new laws.
That would be much more in line with the courts other decisions than asking a court to write the law
The ruling basically says the only way for the case to move forward is to determine what parts of Trump's conduct can be deemed "unofficial".
Disruption of a government proceeding is more appropriate. Had Trump did what he did on January 21st, 2021…you might have a case for insurrection.
For example, the president can deem opposition party leaders to be terrorists and then in an official capacity order them to be assassinated by the SEALs. He can grant blanket pardons to everyone involved while he himself enjoys absolute immunity for his official acts.
The Senate will never be able to impeach or convict you when you’ve killed off those who would do it.
This ruling makes the president a temporary dictator, and it’s reeeeeally easy to go from a temporary dictator to a lifetime one.
why is it so easy to just deem some group of people terrorists, without any evidence presented?
And if this is true, why can't biden do it today, and preempt trump from doing it?
Overthrowing....the government he was in charge of?
The procedure for impeaching federal judges is similar, in that the vote needs first to pass the house, then a supermajority of the senate. In 2009, federal judge Thomas Porteous Jr, was successfully impeached by congress. Congress then also voted to prohibit him from holding future federal office.
Judge ordering something can be brought to court to review if the order was lawful. Judge making judicial decision - that is, not ordering something to support that decision, but actually deciding - is immune, but that is decision of the limited scope - it's not an action. Decision itself can be reviewed, so there's principally less scope for possible intentional or unintentional errors.
Either let people vent or nuke the whole thread
The President has immunity when acting with powers granted from the Constitution. Commanding the military is one of those powers. The majority opinion also specifically says motives can't be considered. So they are legally immune if they order the military to stop impeachment.
> (3) Presidents cannot be indicted based on conduct for which they are immune from prosecution. On remand, the District Court must carefully analyze the indictment’s remaining allegations to determine whether they too involve conduct for which a President must be im- mune from prosecution. And the parties and the District Court must ensure that sufficient allegations support the indictment’s charges without such conduct. Testimony or private records of the President or his advisers probing such conduct may not be admitted as evidence at trial.
The primary source here is plenty accessible, and free. And alarming.
The argument is not that all recordings are off limits, but if the President asks his lawyer "what is a bribe?" that can't be used as evidence he took a bribe.
Or just add them to the https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Disposition_Matrix.
"As reported previously, United States citizens may be listed as targets for killing in the database. Suspects are not formally charged of any crime nor offered a trial in their defense. Obama administration lawyers have asserted that U.S. citizens alleged to be members of Al Qaeda and said to pose an "imminent threat of violent attack" against the United States may be killed without judicial process. The legal arguments of U.S. officials for this policy were leaked to NBC News in February 2013, in the form of briefing papers summarizing legal memos from October 2011."
https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2012cv1...
It's an interesting read, but part of the argument was that there were Congressional checks and balances in place for security threat review and congress authorized force against the group in question which essentially gave the executive branch authority to add the specific targets in question.
The legality of the disposition matrix at large can still be tested and re-tested depending on the specific actions of the executive branch.
Ha! So far it's had a pretty good history, and 4 American citizens have been killed from it.
- Anwar al-Awlaki - Abdulrahman al-Awlaki - Samir Khan - Jude Kenan Mohammad
Their due process, as enumerated in the constitution was conclusively violated; and only one (Anwar) was targeted due to involvement in Al-Qaeda.
The argument is not that all recordings are off limits, but if the President asks his lawyer "what is a bribe?" that can't be used as evidence he took a bribe.
You cannot use official communications between a president and his VP for example, as evidence, even in prosecution of an unofficial act that is criminal.
A horrendously stupid, devoid of any logic ruling, so much so that Barrett even disagreed with this part.
The trial is held in the Senate, and the Senators serve as a judge-less jury.
Partisan impeachment is rightfully difficult, by design. Juries either have to be unanimous or a super-majority, depending on venue. If you can't get a small fraction of the opposition party to agree with the charges, the charges are defective.
If the charges are "here's some crap we scraped together, let's throw it at the wall and see if it sticks", then it deserves to fail. It failed under Clinton and under Trump, partly for partisan reasons but mostly because senators didn't think the charges rose to the level of "high crimes and misdemeanors". Dershowitz has some really good analysis on this.
The founders weren't all convinced that impeachment was even necessary; the president's term is only 4 years. Many were rightfully concerned that impeachment would become a spectacle used by a opposition House to damage the sitting president. And that's what it has become, since the 90's.
No one can preside over a country when any ambitious DA anywhere can drag you into court afterwards. I think the decision today was a good one.
But also think about it this way: no matter how you feel about Trump, imagine how you'd feel if $YOUR_PREFERRED_CANDIDATE was president and lawfare was being conducted against that person by $OPPOSITION_PARTY.
The majority in the court was wise today and closed the door firmly on lawfare as an alternative to campaigning, for all presidents moving forward.
>"An impeachment (by the House of Representatives) is analogous to an indictment. The trial is held in the Senate, and the Senators serve as a judge-less jury."
Impeachment may be analogous to an indictment, but it has become a political tool, not a true check on presidential power.
>"Partisan impeachment is rightfully difficult, by design. Juries either have to be unanimous or a super-majority, depending on venue. If you can't get a small fraction of the opposition party to agree with the charges, the charges are defective."
The difficulty of impeachment due to partisan bias undermines its purpose. Historical impeachments show the Senate often votes along party lines, ignoring the evidence. There's reason for that.
>"The founders weren't all convinced that impeachment was even necessary; the president's term is only 4 years. Many were rightfully concerned that impeachment would become a spectacle used by an opposition House to damage the sitting president."
Impeachment was included exactly because the president can cause immense harm, even in four years - and you are undermining the importance the Founders saw in it, especially enough to include it.
>"No one can preside over a country when any ambitious DA anywhere can drag you into court afterwards. I think the decision today was a good one."
No one should be above the law, lest we flirt with Kingship, which is especially unappealing given our history.
>"The majority in the court was wise today and closed the door firmly on lawfare as an alternative to campaigning, for all presidents moving forward."
This ruling is a very, VERY dangerous precedent, suggesting presidents are untouchable. Clinton v. Jones showed legal accountability can coexist with presidential duties
--------------------
Like I said here [1], "[Lawfare in the executive] wasn't even a problem before the last 4 years, and the only times it were - was when the suspecting president agreed they broke the law and stepped down, or got impeached.
We have monarchy after monarchy to show that sovereign immunity within leaders builds toxic ontological relationships between participants of a political system, and often invites tyranny. Your suspicions, for 238 years straight, have been amiss."
At least that was the tentative conclusion last time this was brought up: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/feb/22/obama-...
If Project 2025 succeeds behind its wildest dreams, it won’t even come close to even balancing things out.
Imagine the civil war if the union couldn't kill confederates.
A full scale civil war really is an extraordinary case and is a lot more akin to a regular war than what we are talking about here.
I'm more afraid of someone declaring war on an abstract concept (like the "war on terror") and then using broad powers meant to be used in normal wars between states that have declared combatants than I am of a civil war.
But otherwise, the only remedy should be judicial process against these people: arrests, trial, etc. Otherwise we have a term for it: extrajudicial killing.
Of course, Congress has given the executive branch weird war powers over the past few decades, so legally I'm sure they're in the clear, unfortunately.
No, no: we do get that. We just think that’s a good thing. If you have the evidence (you don’t, or we’d have seen, like, any of it at all) then by all means, prosecute the absolute shit out of them!
A good example is that killer cop in Minneapolis, I don't remember his name or care to fill my brain with it. He was acting officially when George Floyd died under his care; he was responding to a 911 call that Floyd was the subject of.
The cop was convicted of murder, but let's say that POTUS does something abhorrent (and this is likely to occur now that this is case law) under color of law and someone wanted to charge him or her because of it. Does that get somehow pulled back as it did for the cop?
Ultimately I think the issue with this is we're trying to address a deep systematic issue through the system it's infected. Often those issues can't be solved that way and have to go around the system itself somehow. You're unlikely to be able to sue your way out of a fascist coup when it's successful for example, and similarly disadvantaged when the avenue is carrying water for a failed coup.
The thing about Biden, since you brought him up, is he's unlikely to test this in any meaningful way with regards to Trump. Could he theoretically now have the USSS detail in charge of babysitting Trump indefinitely detain him, without consequence? Maybe. But he still has at least some belief in the process and won't do that.
This gives me flashbacks to lessons about von Hindenburg. An old guard who had belief in the process going by it even when dealing with someone who has obvious and sneering contempt for that process.
To borrow from a similar claim: with the combination of the "Due Process" interpretation that backed the al-Awlaki killing (where Holder explained that due process was simply a term designating whatever process that they do, and could entirely occur in one's own head), and this judgement, Trump could have stood in the middle of 5th Avenue and shot somebody and could not be charged for it. So can Biden.
-----
edit:
Ten Years after the al-Awlaki Killing: A Reckoning for the United States’ Drones Wars Awaits
https://mwi.westpoint.edu/ten-years-after-the-al-awlaki-kill...
> From the Magna Carta to the US Constitution, citizens have sought ways to protect themselves from the arbitrary exercise of sovereign power. The drone strike on al-Awlaki reversed this historical process with an executive process. From the so-called “Terror Tuesday” or “targeting Tuesday” meetings where President Obama personally approved targets for drone strikes to the drafting of the legal logic justifying the extrajudicial killing of an American citizen, the strike on al-Awlaki was the result of decision making within the executive branch. Completely absent from the proceedings was the judiciary, which acts as a crucial buffer and neutral arbiter between the citizen and the executive.
> In its own defense, the Obama administration argued that due process was not the same thing as judicial process and presented the test that it used to justify the targeted killing. While some observers have emphasized the narrowness of the legal standard, it was crafted specifically to target al-Awlaki, therefore reinforcing just how discretionary this exercise of executive power was. Furthermore, it was conceived of and adjudged constitutionally sufficient by attorneys who had previously opposed executive overreach during the Bush administration.
[It's interesting that the al-Awlaki killing was over speech, too. So while the executive branch is not allowed to exercise prior restraint over speech, Presidents are now constitutionally immunized for murdering people to keep them from speaking.]
Law enforcement has qualified immunity for the vast majority of what they do in an official capacity. That doesn't mean their testimony about what they do in an official capacity is inadmissible, including if they testify about what other law enforcement officers did.
All I saw was that they were dismissed as “extreme hypotheticals”. All of that despite the publication of Project 2025 openly calling for the next conservative president to bend and break bureaucracy to carry out their desires.
We’re firmly in the Fuck Around stage of what exactly this ruling will and will not allow, and one way or another, we’re going to Find Out within the next 3-6 months. I know which candidate I hope to Find Out from.
The language isn't as electrifying as Sotomayor's example, but you can still imagine unofficial acts that would not warrant immunity.
I'm trying to point out that it is not at all easy to draw a line between what a President could be prosecuted for and what he should be prosecuted for.
I'm pretty sure one could find abuse of power committed by about every President.
Even Jefferson - he wasn't empowered to make the Louisiana Purchase, but did it anyway.
For a president to be able to conduct "official acts" in self interest, with no obvious limits, is quite concerning.
I think the president should enjoy a weak presumption that official acts are legitimate. But this goes way too far-- prohibiting consideration of motives, prohibiting using them as context or evidence in any other proceeding, and appearing to classify what would be horrible abuses as official acts.
Should Biden be prosecuted for that?
Trump’s authoritarianism appeals to people who feel that he can control the various unelected people they feel have too much power over their lives and society: career bureaucrats, corporate HE, NGOs, universities, etc.
Remember the 2017 “Resistance” against Trump? https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/resistance-from-with....
This revealed that no matter which party wins the election, the fourth branch of government is staffed and run by Democrats. All the three letter agencies are staffed by 95% Democrats. And people think that Trump can bring them to heel.
Carving out some special protection strikes at the heart of the idea that everyone is equal in the eyes of the law.
That seems bizarre to me, an apple or a low value meal ticket are not "something of value" unless you read things literally for no reason.
"of value": valuable, having a great value
> Congress cannot act on, and courts cannot examine, the President’s actions on subjects within his “conclusive and preclusive” constitutional authority. It follows that an Act of Congress—either a specific one targeted at the President or a generally applicable one—may not criminalize the President’s actions within his exclusive constitutional power. Neither may the courts adjudicate a criminal prosecution that examines such Presidential actions. We thus conclude that the President is absolutely immune from criminal prosecution for conduct within his exclusive sphere of constitutional authority.
Further evidence is that Sotomayors makes the claim in no uncertain terms and that the majority makes zero effort to dispute it.
> (2) corruptly gives, offers, or agrees to give anything of value to any person, with intent to influence or reward an agent of an organization or of a State, local or Indian tribal government, or any agency thereof, in connection with any business, transaction, or series of transactions of such organization, government, or agency involving anything of value of $5,000 or more;
https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/666
The problem here is that the $5,000 here is NOT the value of the bribe!
It's the value of the funds received from a federal program you're bribing someone that's a part of. So if the garbage collectors, schools, etc. receive more than $5k in funds subject to this statute, it doesn't matter what the bribe is.
That's why they call it "Theft or bribery concerning programs receiving Federal funds" after all. You can read the holding in Sabri to see them spell that out a bit more clearly than the statute does:
> For criminal liability to lie, the statute requires that "the organization, government, or agency receiv[e], in any one year period, benefits in excess of $10,000 under a Federal program involving a grant, contract, subsidy, loan, guarantee, insurance, or other form of Federal assistance." § 666(b). In 2001, the City Council of Minneapolis administered about $29 million in federal funds paid to the city, and in the same period, the MCDA received some $23 million of federal money.
[...]
> The Court does a not-wholly-unconvincing job of tying the broad scope of § 666(a)(2) to a federal interest in federal funds and programs. See ante, at 605-606. But simply noting that "[m]oney is fungible," ante, at 606, for instance, does not explain how there could be any federal interest in "prosecut[ing] a bribe paid to a city's meat inspector in connection with a substantial transaction just because the city's parks department had received a federal grant of $10,000," United States v. Santopietro, 166 F. 3d 88, 93 (CA2 1999).
https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/541/600
Incidentally, those examples they used seem to have come from hypothetical scenarios raised during oral argument. You can read a bit more here in the transcript of the oral arguments:
https://www.supremecourt.gov/oral_arguments/argument_transcr...
If you want to say she is worried over impossibilities too that's fine but based on the facts of the case and how it was ruled, I don't see why its not a realistic concern.
And Democratic party are known to not want to rock the boat, so to speak.
Given the extraordinary claim you're making, I'm doubtful that you have the qualifications to support the absolute statement being made pretending to be fact. This is especially true given how little this new ruling has been covered by the very people that are charged with deciding how it will work in practice.
You're not issuing an opinion in what you said. You're claiming it's a matter of fact. Constitutional and executive branch experts with decades of experience will be debating what this means for a very long time to come, with far less certainty than what your comment contains.
This is a legal thread on a tech forum so I find your credentialism thoroughly disingenuous. If you want to actually discuss I'm game, but your inane appeal to non-authority is tedious.
Calling for the murder of specific people is very much against the rules of this site.
You’re supposed to be charitable in your interpretations.
I’m saying that Biden must act with his newfound unconstitutional powers freshly minted by the unqualified tyrannical theist fascists on the Supreme Court. How he does that is up to Biden, sorry I wasn’t more explicit - I ignorantly assumed the nuance to be as plain as the fascist intentions of trump and the company he keeps.
[Citation Needed]
I’ll add many federal employees are members of professional organizations. And in the last decade, professional organizations have become overtly political. And all of these are staffed mainly by democrats. Paul Clement, one of the leading Supreme Court advocates of our generation, left Kirkland, known as a conservative firm, over the firms opposition to second amendment cases: https://www.law.com/americanlawyer/2022/06/23/kirkland-ellis.... This is a firm that will not hesitate to represent the worst Russian oligarchs, mass polluters like BP, etc.
Another example is SFFA. A super-majority of the public opposes racial preferences in college admissions and hiring. But not a single prominent law firm authored an amicus brief in support of overturning affirmative action.
Half the country doesn’t trust credentialed professionals anymore, and with good reason
The DOJ threat of criminal prosecution only becomes functional when the president becomes a private person, at which point the president no longer has the ability to act in an official capacity anyway.
As for SEAL Team 6, they have a "duty to disobey" unlawful orders[1]-- which every member of the team probably knows off the top of their heads-- and which is a much more effective real-time check on a president's authority.
[1] https://www.findlaw.com/legalblogs/law-and-life/what-is-a-mi...
There are a non trivial subset of Tier1 operators who would absolutely take whatever mission they were given by the president and do not view their role as being political
Yes it’s in the training, but it’s not something that is expected because operations like this touch hundreds of people who ARENT operators (generals, joint staff, analysis, strategic planners etc…) that teams rely on to wave that flag through the targeting and JPOE process
This is an incredibly flimsy check on power:
- What if the president uses a drone strike instead?
- What if the president staffs the military (and seal team 6) with loyalists?
- What if the president uses this power to threaten and extort officials into doing his bidding?
Now, let's play that out in real time:
Donald Trump: please kill person XYZ. Seal Team 6: Uh, no sir, that's illegal. We cannot do that. Donald Trump: the courts say I have immunity, this is an official act. Person XYZ is a threat to our country, and under the constitution I'm allowed to defend this country against all enemies, foreign and domestic. This person is a domestic enemy. Kill them. Seal Team 6: Uh, no sir, we can't do that. Donald Trump: You're fired. I'm replacing you with someone that can do what I tell them. Seal team 6: Ok, we'll kill person XYZ.
And the courts will have no problem with that, as per their ruling.
Why?
Because, and this is purely hypothetical (lol), an opponent could try and convict politicians with spurious charges to get them out of power.
Singapore’s ruling party loves this tactic. Political opponent is charged with defamation, and if fined more than $5,000, they are no longer eligible to run for office.
It’s a commonly used political weapon which is why most democracies offer immunity.
Wikipedia has a (non-inclusive) list: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parliamentary_immunity
I mean, the former governor of New York just said the New York prosecution against Trump wouldn’t have been brought against anyone else.
https://www.justsecurity.org/85605/survey-of-past-new-york-f...
Trump is flagrantly corrupt and coordinates crime through lackeys, many of which have been convicted of felonies. No, you don't catch old kingpins on the stuff you get everybody else with. There's definitely a two-tier justice system going on, but it bends in Trump's favor at every turn.
When prosecutors campaign on pursuing an individual, when such efforts are multipolar and unending, and when the sum effort looks corrupt to a large portion of the country, then it seems obvious to suggest that outrage at a resultant SC ruling, which would not have otherwise come under consideration, is crying over one's self-inflicted medicine.
I don't think that it is healthy that this was put to the SC.
But it was absolutely inevitable given the various prosecutorial efforts and the norm breaking they represent. Even ignoring the open political corruption, and lies, involving them. Though, these aspects aren't necessary to ignore.
In short, breaking norms to pursue Trump was worth the squeeze for them. They were squeezed. That's it.
Assuming that these aren't crocodile tears over a ruling that will protect others from actual accused crimes of the past, or what might come in the future. That these prosecutions weren't specifically brought to force this result. Which is entirely possible. Certainly, such a benefit will be had.
If I understand this correctly, the core effect of this is to essentially transfer the gateway through which it is possible to prosecute a president from any AG's office to Congress.
I suspect which will serve to further entrench establishment power, of which Biden's camp is a part. Presidents within Congressional graces will be effectively immune, crime or no crime. Presidents outside of them may not be so much.
Whomever lived through 2016-2020 and thinks that Trump will have some kind of Congressional carte blanche either hasn't thought this through or is being deceptive.
Compare the improbability of Trump being able to swerve out of his lane, as far as Congress is concerned, and what Obama was able to legally get away with without stirring Congress.
Now predicated on the precedent of Obama's extrajudicial action, Trump may have been able to carry out extrajudicial acts during his term. But no one who was watching thinks that anything without a precedent would have resulted in anything except another Trump impeachment.
They are not immune for the non-official act of soliciting or accepting bribes in exchange for an official act, which is the charge of bribery.
So if the President took a bribe in order to make someone ambassador to Sweden, they could not be prosecuted for making that person the ambassador, but they could be prosecuted for taking the bribe.
This isn't a misreading of the ruling. Justice Barret dissented from that particular part of the majority opinion, bringing up the hypothetical of bribery.
Enter LOBBYIST and POTUS on CONGRESS floor
LOBBYIST: projecting voice I am now rendering payment in exchange my appointment as ambassador to Sweden. What say you?
POTUS: projecting voice Yes, I knowingly accept these improper funds and -
CONGRESS immediately gathers a quorum, impeaches, and removes POTUS mid-sentence
POTUS: - name you ambassador to Sweden.
You will hear the same people arguing that Justice Alito should l recuse himself due to his wife’s taste in flags, but Judge Merchan shouldn’t recuse himself from Trump’s trial and sentencing after having been revealed to have made (trivial) donations to anti-Trump political campaigns. It sure looks to me like people prioritising maximising the odds of their desired outcome over consistent principle.
The “very specific and unprotected groups” you are talking about are political movements (even if non-mainstream) and hence expressing support for them is just as much political speech as any political donation is. All political speech, even extremist political speech, is protected in the US by the First Amendment, unless it incites “imminent lawless action” (see Brandenburg v Ohio), or one of the other narrow exceptions provided for by SCOTUS’ jurisprudence.
Actually, it is allowed to limit free speech to meet “compelling state interests”, and I’m pretty sure SCOTUS would uphold limitations on judge’s off-the-job speech when necessary to maintain the appearance of judicial impartiality as such a compelling state interest. By contrast, I doubt they’d view limiting the speech of a judicial spouse as necessary to an equally compelling state interest.
Furthermore, unless you are a believer in coverture, Alito’s actions are separate from those of his wife, so once he made clear the flag was his wife’s decision not his, I don’t see how it is relevant. The law does not demand judges recuse themselves on the basis of views of their spouses which they may not share-especially when his wife’s expressive act was not directly commenting on any specific case, at most it was a vague expression of political affiliation-and it isn’t even clear what she personally understands that flag to mean.
> This is a fallacious argument at best and smells of bad faith engagement.
It isn’t a fallacious argument. Rather, suggesting that anyone who disagrees with you is guilty of “bad faith engagement”-that’s a fallacious argument.
If you don’t know how judges should decide cases, how do you know they are wrong?
Impeach them and ring the Russian Republicans up their hard earned espionage charges
My point was not to attack this person individually so you’re right I shouldn’t have worded it in those terms. My point was that virtually everyone who thinks the current Supreme Court is “unqualified” also likely thinks “emanations from penumbras” are constitutional law. It’s like listening to anti-vaxxers talk about the qualifications of doctors.
Almost everyone agrees with you on the emanations of penumbras. Nobody wants that. It was rectified by Casey in 1992.
Roe also claimed abortion was a right because doctors should not worry about the law. Women didn’t have a right to abortion at all. Doctors did. That was fixed by Casey in 1992, and probably a bit early.
Roe hasn’t been the defining law on abortion since 1992 because so many people, pro-choicers especially, regarded it as very flawed.
You are attacking straw men. Please stop.
Casey was the start of the self-licking ice cream cone the abortion right eventually became—asserted to exist because it was said to exist by a precedent nobody could defend.
That says that the list of rights enumerated in the constitution is non-exhaustive. That just means that rights can exist in other places besides the Constitution. But if you want to say there is such a right, you have to identify that right in some other source.
But the “emanations from penumbras” language isn’t referring to a non-enumerated right found somewhere else. It’s saying that the privacy right originates in the “emanations from penumbras” of the constitution. So it’s saying the constitution itself creates that right.
Hypothetical: Trump is campaigning on immigration. Say he wins the election and issues an executive order to deport every single illegal immigrant. What should happen, in a democracy?
"People" generally don't have the expertise to run things in a complex modern world. Bureaucrats and lawyers aren't always better, but pace Damon Runyon (quoting sportswriter Hugh Keough), that's the way to bet. [0]
"Democracy" in a complex modern world means that "people" periodically get an opportunity to toss out the bureaucrats and lawyers — because ballots are better than bullets.
[0] "The race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong; but that is the way to bet." https://quoteinvestigator.com/2015/06/04/race-swift/#google_...
I don't believe that congress is doing a good job representing the people but I don't think that the solution to that is to elect a king.
When you disagree with the ideology = king.
How does that make sense?
I'm as against this court as the next guy, but don't constitutional rights need to be, you know, in the constitution?
The constitution merely enumerates certain rights where the founders wanted to be extra clear that those things were rights, but it is not a limiting document.
The 9th amendment states this explicitly: “The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”
The GP is accurately paraphrasing the notes from the Constitutional Convention. Many of those present did not think the President should be impeachable at all. They all compromised on the current process because they didn't think the Senate could become politicized enough to convict for partisan reasons.
For example:
> Mr. PINKNEY did not see the necessity of impeachments. He was sure they ought not to issue from the Legislature who would in that case hold them as a rod over the Executive and by that means effectually destroy his independence. His revisionary power in particular would be rendered altogether insignificant.
> Mr. KING expressed his apprehensions that an extreme caution in favor of liberty might enervate the Government we were forming. He wished the House to recur to the primitive axiom that the three great departments of Govts. should be separate & independent: that the Executive & Judiciary should be so as well as the Legislative: that the Executive should be so equally with the Judiciary. Would this be the case, if the Executive should be impeachable? It had been said that the Judiciary would be impeachable. But it should have been remembered at the same time that the Judiciary hold their places not for a limited time, but during good behaviour. It is necessary therefore that a forum should be established for trying misbehaviour. Was the Executive to hold his place during good behaviour? The Executive was to hold his place for a limited term like the members of the Legislature: Like them particularly the Senate whose members would continue in appointmt the same term of 6 years he would periodically be tried for his behaviour by his electors, who would continue or discontinue him in trust according to the manner in which he had discharged it. Like them therefore, he ought to be subject to no intermediate trial, by impeachment. He ought not to be impeachable unless he held his office during good behaviour, a tenure which would be most agreeable to him; provided an independent and effectual forum could be devised. But under no circumstances ought he to be impeachable by the Legislature. This would be destructive of his independence and of the principles of the Constitution. He relied on the vigor of the Executive as a great security for the public liberties.
> Mr. Govr. MORRIS. He can do no criminal act without Coadjutors who may be punished. In case he should be re-elected, that will be [FN9] sufficient proof of his innocence. Besides who is to impeach? Is the impeachment to suspend his functions. If it is not the mischief will go on. If it is the impeachment will be nearly equivalent to a displacement, and will render the Executive dependent on those who are to impeach.
Even some of the pro-impeachment members supported it for, uh, unusual reasons:
> Docr. FRANKLIN was for retaining the clause as favorable to the Executive. History furnishes one example only of a first Magistrate being formally brought to public Justice. Every body cried out agst. this as unconstitutional. What was the practice before this in cases where the chief Magistrate rendered himself obnoxious? Why recourse was had to assassination in wch. he was not only deprived of his life but of the opportunity of vindicating his character. It wd.. be the best way therefore to provide in the Constitution for the regular punishment of the Executive where his misconduct should deserve it, and for his honorable acquittal when [FN10] he should be unjustly accused.
Nixon ordering an illegal action is a crime, and Nixon destroying evidence was definitely a crime, so evidence of either would be game.
https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2012cv1...
The judge ruled there was no violation of their constitutional rights, explicitly because Congress was involved in authorizing military action against the wider threat and specifically in this case Congress was in the approval process for authorizing individual targets.
There was no violation of checks and balances here. That is not to say other uses of the so-called "disposition matrix" might be challenged in the future, but at least in the cases of these individuals, the courts have ruled that no rights were violated.
> The question then becomes whether that presumption of immunity is rebutted under the circumstances. It is the Government’s burden to rebut the presumption of immunity. The Court therefore remands to the District Court to assess in the first instance whether a prosecution involving Trump’s alleged attempts to influence the Vice President’s oversight of the certification proceeding would pose any dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch."
As per the ruling, Trump does not get blanket immunity with his interactions with Pence. But it is the prosecution's responsibility to now make a case that it was outside of his discretion.
I'm not arguing that this is a clear or useful legal distinction, but Trump only got true "blanket" immunity for the first indictment regarding the abuse of the Justice Department.
So...kinda the same?
(Advanced trick: you are reading the syllabus. The actual decision is below.)
Warren had been elected governor of California on both a Republican and Democratic ticket. That’s the very definition of a politician. I don’t have a good definition of hack.
If our best lawyers are no better than used car salesmen, why are they so well regarded internationally?
Because your fellow jurists ask the questions for you.
He explained this position cogently: he does not want to influence the process or the case being presented to him.
When seniority-based speaking order changed during COVID virtual hearings, he started asking questions again.
Make better arguments please, you showed you were capable of it earlier when you wrote the top level justification. Why not do it here?
The two parties and their friends have submitted mountains of briefings before oral argument. The arguments made in front of the court are already fully baked. Oral argument is only a signal on where the justices' thinking is taking them at the time. All of this is public, by the way. You can go read everything on your own (something more people in this thread should do).
Polls suggest not.[1]
> (Remember this happened before Trump did anything. It was based purely on federal workers’ moral objections to Trump’s stance on immigration.)
The article said not.
[1] https://www.govexec.com/management/2016/07/poll-clinton-open...
You're pretty optimistic about that. Trump has amply demonstrated that he can be ruthless. And he'll bring on people as cabinet secretaries and undersecretaries who will be of the same mind.
Article XIII of the Pennsylvania Declaration of Rights of 1776 read:
>That the people have a right to bear arms for the defence of themselves and the state; and as standing armies in the time of peace are dangerous to liberty, they ought not to be kept up; And that the military should be kept under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.
Similarly, as another example, Massachusetts’s Declaration of Rights from 1780 provided:
>The people have a right to keep and to bear arms for the common defence. And as, in time of peace, armies are dangerous to liberty, they ought not to be maintained without the consent of the legislature; and the military power shall always be held in an exact subordination to the civil authority, and be governed by it.
James Madison produced an initial draft of the Second Amendment as follows:
>The right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed; a well armed and well regulated militia being the best security of a free country: but no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms shall be compelled to render military service in person.
I pulled the quotes from this link, which has more text and discussion.
https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/amdt2-2/ALDE_...
You’re utilizing one definition of a term that never had concrete meaning, so your reasoning is both imprecise and potentially erroneous.
I'm not saying a president couldn't try. I can imagine that. I cannot understand how it would be an official act. If the president runs out of Kleenex and opts for toilet paper instead, that is not an official act merely because he is president.
In the majority's opinion they stated that any act carved out by the constitution for the president is an official one.
The constitution establishes the president as the commander in chief of the armed forces. If the president orders a member of the military to assassinate an individual, he's exercising his role as the commander in chief, an official act, and is thus criminally immune.
The slightly longer form also includes that the majority held that for official acts, a president's motives can't be probed by the courts, so whether the president ordered Seal Team 6 to murder a political rival for self-interested reasons, that it was an official act is the only thing that need be considered.
There is no way that Sotomayor genuinely believes this. If Trump becomes president and is prosecuted again, I guarantee she'll argue that his crimes don't fall under the President's official duties.
Is someone more or less likely to perform such an act if there's a possibility of legal consequences? If not, then we don't really need courts at all, do we?
So kind of how they said bribery is okay as long as it's not explicitly asked for and given as a "gift" after the fact, the majority holds that presidents can kill their political opponents as long as they "say" it was for national security.
And don't tell me I need Congress to authorize my killing people. I haven't needed that since Vietnam or something.
The ruling has specifically left the definition of "official acts" for the lower courts to decide on a case-by-case basis; they have not limited official acts to Enumerated Powers of the Constitution. The president likely has modern "official acts" that are not in in the constitution (such as the ability to issue executive orders) so it is not as simple as pointing to it. As things stand, this ruling is a blank cheque of unknown (but undoubtedly large) size.
Easily the best way I've seen the impact of this ruling, articulated.
It codifies rules for certain aspects of their role. Not everything.
SEAL Team 6 can take care of that too
how can SEAL Team 6 even refuse a presidential order ?
Enlisted oath adds they will obey the orders of the president.
So a president or his intermediary just needs to find the right Master Sergeant. In theory.
But not to worry, there are plenty of authoritarian-friendly colonels available. Their oath doesn't prohibit them from following a president's orders.
Wrinkle: all officers and enlisted are required to refuse illegal orders. But if you do so, you better be right.
Of course, in this new United States that the Supreme Court created this week, summary executions could become a motivational tool.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=United_States_A...
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Uniformed_Serv...
https://www.acslaw.org/expertforum/what-the-law-of-military-...
Who ordered that code red? Not LT Weinberg, that's for sure.
That's the problem.
No different than the judiciary, right?
---
I am constantly amazed by the number of new discoveries made on HN, like military coups.
Which we need to fix regardless, but in the interim it’s hard to conclude that the federal government isn’t starting to crumble under the combined weight of that problem and the general, concerning erosion of trust in expertise and institutions, and the rise of populism. The Supreme Court is very efficiently pouring gas on that fire.
https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=40848910
- More precisely, not conduct but official records, even public ones like tweets, are inadmissible right? Forgive me for not looking more, I am cooking at the moment. The layman's understanding seems to be that executive privilege has been expanded.
EDIT: Having read the scoutsblog article and some of the opinions themselves, the justices seem to severely disagree over this.
First, that comment references something from "the ruling" which is not part of the Court's opinion, but from the syllabus, citing pages 30-32.
> But [the Government] nevertheless contends that a jury could “consider” evidence concerning the President’s official acts “for limited and specified purposes,” and that such evidence would “be admissible to prove, for example, [Trump’s] knowledge or notice of the falsity of his election-fraud claims.” Id., at 46, 48. That proposal threatens to eviscerate the immunity we have recognized. It would permit a prosecutor to do indirectly what he cannot do directly—invite the jury to examine acts for which a President is immune from prosecution to nonetheless prove his liability on any charge. But “[t]he Constitution deals with substance, not shadows.” Cummings v. Missouri, 4 Wall. 277, 325 (1867). And the Government’s position is untenable in light of the separation of powers principles we have outlined.
> If official conduct for which the President is immune may be scrutinized to help secure his conviction, even on charges that purport to be based only on his unofficial conduct, the “intended effect” of immunity would be defeated. Fitzgerald, 457 U. S., at 756. The President’s immune conduct would be subject to examination by a jury on the basis of generally applicable criminal laws. Use of evidence about such conduct, even when an indictment alleges only unofficial conduct, would thereby heighten the prospect that the President’s official decisionmaking will be distorted. See Clinton, 520 U. S., at 694, n. 19.
> The Government asserts that these weighty concerns can be managed by the District Court through the use of “evidentiary rulings” and “jury instructions.” Brief for United States 46. But such tools are unlikely to protect adequately the President’s constitutional prerogatives. Presidential acts frequently deal with “matters likely to ‘arouse the most intense feelings.’ ” Fitzgerald, 457 U. S., at 752 (quoting Pierson, 386 U. S., at 554). Allowing prosecutors to ask or suggest that the jury probe official acts for which the President is immune would thus raise a unique risk that the jurors’ deliberations will be prejudiced by their views of the President’s policies and performance while in office.
You're right that this goes beyond executive privilege. I was mistaken. However, it still does not say official acts are inadmissible. It says official acts may be inadmissible against him if they constitute "official conduct for which the President is immune." This is an important distinction because "of course not all of the President’s official acts fall within his 'conclusive and preclusive' authority [and] [t]he reasons that justify the President’s absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for acts within the scope of his exclusive authority therefore do not extend to conduct in areas where his authority is shared with Congress."
That is to say, there are official acts the President may take that are not in his exclusive authority. Immunity in such cases is not absolute; official acts in domains where power is shared may or may not be "official conduct for which the President is immune," and, if not, they would still be admissible against him.
1. Usually they charge the predicate crime.
2. FECA has never been used as a predicate crime.
3. I don't believe a campaign finance reporting violation has been tried as election interference.
4. There are a lot of unsettled questions about these laws like can 175.10 point to a federal crime? Is hasn't been prosecuted that way before. Can it point to FECA despite FECA's broad preemption?
Law professors discussing these issues below.
https://shugerblogcom.wordpress.com/2023/04/04/a-potential-p...
https://law.syracuse.edu/news/professor-gregory-germain-writ...
The examples in the article tie the business records crime to another crime that’s at least charged, things like insurance fraud, failing to pay taxes, fraudulently obtaining government benefits, etc. Remarkably, prosecutors couldn’t find evidence of “Kinpin” Trump doing any of those things.
The problem with the Trump prosecution is that it is predicated on an uncharged and rarely used election law crime, and that in turn is predicated on an uncharged federal campaign finance crime. It’s a double bank shot. It’s fair to say that prosecutors didn’t have occasion to charge someone else with a documents crime in connection with an election law crime. But there’s not a single example in your list where prosecutors upgraded the documents crime to a felony based on a chain of two other, uncharged, crimes that relate to far-flung areas of the law.
On top of that, the uncharged predicate crimes have been interpreted in a sweeping way. According to New York prosecutors, agreeing with others to suppress bad news during a campaign is criminal election interference, so long as it can be connected to any other “unlawful” act.
Then the third piece, the unlawful act underpinning the election interference charge, is a federal campaign finance violation that SDNY declined to prosecute, and which New York couldn’t have brought against Trump.
There’s the statute of limitations and jurisdictional issues: none of the claims could have been brought by themselves. There’s the due process issue: because they were not charged, Trump’s counsel had no way to challenge the novel interpretations of the election interference and election law charges.
Cuomo (the former NY AG) and Honig (a former federal prosecutor) are correct. A case based on such an elaborate legal theory with as much hair on it as this one had would not have been brought unless the defendant was Donald Trump.
This case was architected by Carey Dunne, my former boss at Davis Polk. If this case had instead been brought against a gang member, him and folks at Davis Polk would be lining up to do the appeal. But instead they have abandoned the principles of the legal profession and are looking the other way out of class loyalty. It’s shameful and a stain on the profession.
Ultimately the prosecution proved Trump’s indictment of the professional managerial class. They cannot be trusted to uphold the principles of their professions, and will abuse the authority those professions confer to advance their own ideological agendas.
Actually based on that logic, we all need immunity! Quick, let's get rid of laws entirely.
From your article, that sounds more like close to even instead of your exaggerated 95%.
I trust credentialed people for providing facts and research in their domain, not writing policies.
To be fair the situation in Germany was multipolar. Hindenburg wasn’t a huge fan of democracy or especially of one run by Catholics, liberals and socialists and just saw the nazis as a lesser evil..
I mean under what idea is that part of his official duties? If it's not it's literally exactly the same as before. Biden can do this at literally any moment. This court case doesn't change his ability to make unlawful moves.
After today, if a federal judge arbitrarily decides "it's not", well... it's not.
I suppose if they really wanted to give a reason they could say he's a flight risk or something, it doesn't need to be valid with today's ruling.
However, I don't believe they would. Not after the crap the Uniparty have done for my lifetime. Any president part of the uniparty will be protected and any president against it will be persecuted. We already have seen that.
One single indiscutable example: Trump is a draft-dodger. How many troop-supporting, valor-praising Republicans support him?
Oh, another one: Trump is a liar and a filanderer. How many Republican "values-first" voters and officials have refused to vote for him?
See, the problem is some of us don't want to get to the point where we derive petty satisfaction of definitively knowing how evil someone can be. That's why we have (had) checks and balances: to prevent us from knowing -- in the most real way -- how evil someone can be. A significant check on presidential power was removed yesterday.
Where once the president was bound by law and constitution, now he is bound only by his ambition and personal moral compass.
If not so, is there a reason why not? "Murdering an oppositional politician in your own country" seems quite clean-cut bad and unjustified. I know your political system is very much "they vs us", but it can't be that bad?
So henceforth from this Supreme Court ruling, the President can call up the Attorney General ("official duties," remember) and say, "find a reason to investigate and arrest my political opponent."
That act, that conversation is now protected. And that action will be carried out, and there is no legal recourse, at least not long after much damage has been done.
At many junctures, not only the January 6 capitol riot, but many others, Trump was only prevented from disastrous anti-democratic actions by principled staff and officials around him. This time around, Trump (or any other dictatorial pretender) will not make the mistake of filling their administration with anyone but sycophants. Trump installed many federal judges. Even leaving it up to the courts to decide if something is an "official" or "unofficial" act, after the fact, is now left to fiat.
The problem is, the way things have been for the last couple of decades, many of us are not absolutely certain that the Senate would ever convict a sitting president unless it was 2/3rds of the opposite party -- which is pretty rare.
Probably, if a sitting president (regardless of party) assassinated a political rival, the Senate would convict. Probably.
They are almost certainly hyper-partisan Senators (of both parties) who would not convict a president from their own party no matter what.
The reasons for that would be multiple... greed, fear, a weird sense of loyality to the person, or even just a warped view of reality.
For example, if you thought Trump was Hitler 2.0 coming to take over the government and hunt down minorities and LGBTQ people, then you might feel justified in doing anything possible to prevent that -- including assassination.
It doesn’t map on in obvious ways to what you see in Europe. In Denmark, for example, immigration was a political issue. When it turned out the people wanted to restrict immigration, the left of center government supported “far right” immigration restrictions.
In America, a large part of the left sees immigration as a moral issue, not a political one. When Trump was first inaugurated, the left refused to even accept Trump as legitimate because of his opposition to immigration. Hilary Clinton called his supporters “deplorables” and said he was “illegitimate.” This was long before any of the bad things he did.
[1] https://mwi.westpoint.edu/ten-years-after-the-al-awlaki-kill...
How many former presidents or rivals tried to prevent the transfer of power?
* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-coup
There's a specific reason why Trump is being investigated. We're not talking about jay-walking here.
And there's also intent with action, using yet another case: Biden had classified documents in his home residence, but he handed them back to the government with minimal fuss. Trump had classified documents and moved them around even after being subpoenaed to return them:
* https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/oct/12/donald-trump...
* https://apnews.com/article/trump-justice-department-indictme...
As best I can tell, most who voted for him didn't actually believe he would do that - and he didn't. The whole "because you'd be in jail" was Trump being Trump, not a campaign promise.
When Trump says something like that, knowing whether he's in earnest or being bombastic is like knowing what parts of the Bible are literal and what parts are figurative - it's very much open to individual interpretation.
Not for lack of trying.
The lawyer, Donald F. McGahn II, rebuffed the president, saying that he had no authority to order a prosecution. Mr. McGahn said that while he could request an investigation, that too could prompt accusations of abuse of power. To underscore his point, Mr. McGahn had White House lawyers write a memo for Mr. Trump warning that if he asked law enforcement to investigate his rivals, he could face a range of consequences, including possible impeachment.
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/20/us/politics/president-tru...We now live in a world where in a future Trump administration:
- Trump knows even if he's impeached he will not be removed because his party will protect him, since he was impeached and not removed for far more serious matters.
- SCOTUS just told Trump that any conversations he has with his DOJ are under the umbrella of core authority and cannot be reviewed.
- The current purity tests being employed at the RNC by his kin show a future Trump administration will not hire someone like Don McGahn who will tell him "no" about anything.
Why are you so sure a future President Trump would not try again and be successful?
What illegal acts did Obama do, while POTUS, yet outside of his 'official duties', what would warrant prosecution?
Remember the context for this decision: Trump's participation in the events of January 6:
* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/January_6_United_States_Capito...
You know, the insurrection in which people have been found guilty of seditious action:
* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Criminal_proceedings_in_the_Ja...
Were his January 6 actions part of his official duties?
History tells us that the Narodnik[1] plan failed. The real change in minds came when the rural masses migrated to cities with dense habitation and the calculus of labor doing industrial jobs proved fertile for new ideas.
The only problem we have today is that large-scale rural->urban migration leaves huge swaths of the heartland emptied out which severely exacerbates our present problem because of the way senators are apportioned.
Cheers.
Sounds very authoritarian and not democratic at all. What makes you think they won't try to do the same thing? I certainly don't want any government to have the power to re-educate adults and limit who can vote because they're voting wrong. That's Orwellian.
It's what we already have, just extended a little. We already limit voting to citizens, and we have mandatory education for age groups and as a prerequisite to do certain professions.
> I certainly don't want any government to have the power to re-educate adults and limit who can vote because they're voting wrong. That's Orwellian.
Look at the situation we are in now, though. We have an extremely ignorant, outright science denying, not insignificant subset of the population, who due to our system of government can elect in people who share their beliefs, who then go on to be in real positions of power.
What do you do when you have a slight majority of Trumps or MTGs as your representatives? More than likely, freedoms will erode and wars would likely increase.
So, how can you avoid that, or worse problems caused by an ignorant voting block? If you want to keep this form of government (which I would argue we should not), I'm not sure what other solutions there are other than to have some sort of test for voting. Maybe moving the definition of what constitutes a citizen like in Starship Troopers could work.
Goodness.
The issue is that blanket immunity for official acts is not just raising the bar, it's launching it into orbit. Not only can a president not be prosecuted for questionable decisions or on scant evidence, they can not be prosecuted when their crimes are heinous and obvious so long as it is plausibly within their domain.
It is hard to see why a state would feel the need to include the government's ability to own weapons at all, let alone in a document listing rights and protections for individual citizens. Furthermore, the statements already draw a distinction between the people and an army controlled by the government.
I don't know if that would be prosecutable. Is there a federal law against acting as though you have powers you do not while in office?
I suppose the difference is that having SEAL Team Six kill a political opponent on the President's orders seems like it should be classified as first-degree murder.
We neither want a world where every politician faces investigation for misdeeds after leaving office, nor one where apparently the president can act with impunity with no clear limits at all.
We need a middle path, where prosecution is rare and exceptional but true misdeeds can be punished (and deterred).
I feel like we left behind where we were slightly over-investigating and made a massive overcorrection to the other side for blatantly political reasons.
What do you do in a situation where half the population won't take a vaccine during a pandemic because they think Bill Gates is going to track you with microchips?
Honestly, what's the solution here other than to wait and hope the voting population normalizes and self-corrects?
Or did they listen to and trust someone who told them that? And if so why did they listen to and trust that person?
How about the people who have the right, and science backed answers learn how to hear out and build trust with the population, so the population actually wants to listen and trust what they say?
The population doesn't have to be smart, those who have the right answers just need to be caring and compassionate and build trust with the population.
I'm sorry, but democrats seem to have no interest in even attempting to hear the right out and to work towards building any sort of trust with them.
Pretty much. The left wants people they can debate and negotiate with. Not a bunch of McConnell-style babies that absolutely refuse to negotiate on anything.
I have no problem choosing between the chance there will be a President who abuses immense power over everyone in the nation with no real accountability, and the chance a slew of people (prosecutors, investigators, judges) will act maliciously and repeatedly to persecute a single person. Does SCOTUS really fear that federal Judges like them can't recognize malicious and baseless indictments?
What issue? That's never been an issue in 200 years.
I can't make up my mind if this is "movie plot threat" or not. Has it happened to other important figures before?
And can the prosecution be punished for this kind of behaviour?
Then again, I guess if you can shop around for (politically-appointed) judges, it wouldn't be too hard to find a judge to indulge some bullshit prosecution.
SLAPP-suits do exist, but they're generally against poor folks who can't a long legal process rather than richer individuals.
This is laid out clearly in the dissent, complete with references for further reading. Meanwhile the majority’s argument is “lack of immunity (which has, so far, not existed!!!) would make the president too timid, so we’re adding immunity”.
It has existed, it just hasn't been tested. The supreme court didn't "grant" immunity, they interpreted the Constitution to come to the conclusion that immunity already exists.
And the reason that it's happening now is because no political party has been willing to escalate political differences with presidential candidates to the point of criminal charges before.
That's changed recently, hence the need for the ruling.
What a horrible corrupt court.
I'm 1000% sure that if trump wins and starts prosecuting his political rivals the court will give it the nod as being AOK.
Impeachment is only a prerequisite to the Senate possibly convicting in the political rather than criminal trial and removing the person from office, and then possibly disqualifying them from future federal office. It has no bearing on whatever criminal procedures are not blocked by immunity.
More specifically, the role of the house impeachment and senate hearing is removal someone from office. That's it. There's no potential for punitive action (fines, jail, etc).
> More specifically, the role of the house impeachment and senate hearing is removal someone from office. That's it. There's no potential for punitive action (fines, jail, etc).
Judgement in impeachment can extend to "disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States" [1]
But, judgement in impeachment is political, and if you could get enough votes to impeach a former President in order to disqualify them from running again, it seems pretty unlikely that they'd be able to get nominated and elected in a future election; so it's not a big threat IMHO; at least assuming a two-thirds majority is required to remove, then a majority to disqualify.
The constitution is not clear that removal from office and disqualification are linked, although in practice, disqualification has happened only after a removal, and the Senate has determined simple majority for removal is sufficient. [2] So, it might be possible to do a disqualification as a simple majority, without a removal.
[1] https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/article-1/#ar...
[2] https://law.justia.com/constitution/us/article-2/49-judgment...
Only, the requirement of a supermajority means that a minority can prevent a president from being convicted of blatantly criminal acts. This system is demonstrably weak against corruption, to which the USSC has given its full-throated approval.
Trump was acquitted by the Senate for his conduct on Jan 6. It’s OK to disagree with the acquittal but it did in fact happen.
Ultimately it’s really hard to design a constitution that is effective in opposing half of the population. You can’t solve mass social issues with laws.
I heard comments like yours all the time when people were saying we needed to take QAnon more seriously. People thought it was fringe, that people concerned were “terminally online.” Even as we saw their talking points work their way into mainstream conservative outlets.
Then January 6th happened. Everyone knows what QAnon is now.
This is persuasive to nobody that doesn’t start from the assumption Trump is a criminal. The irony is that I used to share that assumption, because I’m a pretty trusting person. But after almost eight years of the smartest lawyers in the country going after him, I’m not so sure. My former boss at a white shoe law firm in New York helped engineer the New York case, and it’s the same kind of contrived legal theory the firm would use to help a corporate client make it seem like all their income was earned in Bermuda. Utterly unpersuasive.
It's even worse than that. The Supreme Court says prosecutors can't even question the motive for that corrupt action, meaning that essentially all conversations between a President and his AG are de jure assumed to be above board.
We must assume the President opened an investigation into his opponent because he had a good reason to do so. Otherwise we might restrict his ability to take bold and decisive action, according to the court.
The Senate allowed legislation that made public lynching a crime to fester in committee without a vote for years. The Supreme Court’s abandonment of any reasonable check on executive power or governmental integrity is absurd. You literally have a justice on the payroll of a billionaire who has paid him millions of dollars who helped redefine bribery to make it a crime impossible to prosecute:
And you mean to say his entire defense team was so bad that they couldn’t protect him from a contrived and tormented case ?
Against a jury of peers?
And the defendant is Trump, someone who is famously associated with the quote “Lordy, I hope they are tapes.”
No one has to persecute trump. He just has to stop doing things which make everyone republican President before him cry in sorrow.
What was it you said ? You can only think this if you start from the position that everyone else is corrupt except Trump
There is a reason they got Al Capone on tax evasion, and it wasn't because that was the worst thing he did. Crime bosses are notoriously slippery.
https://lite.cnn.com/2024/07/02/politics/trump-liz-cheney-mi...
Tell the corrupt SCOTUS to stop granting a former president unconstitutional powers.
Your comment defies the forceful attempts to stymie any Trump prosecution that GQP party members are performing full-time as of 2024
No, apparently it’s much easier and safer to just pay off the president directly.
These aren't randos; they're federal prosecutors that are hired by the sitting President of the United States.
Let's say that even if there is a decision that Trump's acts aren't related to his official duties and he somehow gets punished for those charges (I wouldn't hold my breath). How does this not give Biden and future Presidents a way to seriously abuse their power with a hope that they're not held accountable for it? Before it was just a hypothetical. Now we've crossed the Rubicon and established that there are scenarios in which a President can have unlimited power.
Yes, the places where he is explicitly given unlimited power.....
The weihmaher republik was a pretty good democracy back in the day. It just gave the leader certain rights, and suddenly Hitler became the dictator, creating Nazi Germany.
Everyone needs a limit to their power, otherwise they'll be able to essentially flip the board and declare themselves emperor.
Please don't project what I said here onto trump, Biden or Obama. None of them are on that level. It's just possible that a future president is that morally bankrupt, especially if social issues continue to accrue/inequality keeps growing unchecked.
Who cares? The issue is their gullibility and lac of education and ability to think critically.
> How about the people who have the right, and science backed answers learn how to hear out and build trust with the population, so the population actually wants to listen and trust what they say?
We're past that point. The tribalism is so entrenched that most of those people are never going to give the other side a chance.
You'd have to devote time to sit with each person individually and put in the time to try and educate and better them, and it's impossible since we don't have time or people to do that.
> The population doesn't have to be smart,
They kind of do. Or you end up with people that think Alex Jones is a credible source.
> I'm sorry, but democrats seem to have no interest in even attempting to hear the right out and to work towards building any sort of trust with them.
It's hard to hear out and build trust with a group of willfully ignorant superstitious ultra patriots who all too often behave in ways that could be described as bigoted.
Technically the US is in this predicament because one of them wanted his vice president to not name a successor, after mentioning several times during his presidency that he wanted a third term.
Just because he's a bad wannabe dictator, it doesn't mean he's not a wannabe dictator. He even said so himself, "just for one day".
No it wasn't. It had armed gangs, both right and left-wing, fighting in the streets, completely failed monetary policy and sky-high level of corruption. The republic just started to kind of getting back to normal for a few years at the end of 1920s, and then was wrecked with Great Depression.
And even moderate ones.
> completely failed monetary policy
IIRC during the period between 1923 and the Great Depression (i.e. majority of its existence) it was relatively stable.
See: 2020 in the US.
> completely failed monetary policy
See printing off a lot of money to deal with an emergency because the US hasn't had a meaningful conversation about revenue since 1993 when George HW Bush went back on "read my lips"
> sky-high level of corruption
You have people on this court accepting vacations and gifts from people who are wishing to push a certain political viewpoint on the court. They just ruled this was okay, too, by neutering a federal anti-bribery statute. Money is considered protected political speech.
There are a lot of parallels between Weimar Germany and the current state of the USA. More than anyone should feel comfortable with.
Not it didn’t give him those rights. The parliament (including moderate parties) explicitly granted him the power to so whatever he wanted after the nazis were already in power.
(In a previous version of my comment, I thought that the previous commenter was referring to the Foreign Emoluments Clause and cluelessly asked whether there was a domestic version.)
They would if you had used your company credit card to pay a hitman though. Perhaps this isn't the strongest argument for why the military for a political assassination isn't an official act. My point still stands though that all limitations of the powers of the President are still there, so not everything they do will be considered an official act.
> they interpreted the Constitution to come to the conclusion that immunity already exists.
The constitution saying nothing about immunity except that it is not conferred to someone who has been impeached, no, they did not interpret the constitution.
[edit] specifically, it’s this bit:
> Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
That is: impeachment can’t impose punishments aside from removal & disqualification, but that ought not be taken to mean that further prosecution for the same acts may not be undertaken. That’s all it says on the matter. They relied on the Federalists stating in the Federalist Papers and elsewhere that they wanted a fairly active President to conclude the President needs immunity. Meanwhile the Federalists also wrote that the President ought not be above the law, as that’s what separates our system from monarchy, but that’s inconvenient so you have to keep reading to the dissent to see that presented.
To show what a different world it was then, the chair of the House committee, a Democrat, called his wife to tell her "we voted to impeach", *and then started crying" because it was horrible that it had come to that, and that the president had done such things. Today they would have been cheering.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_impeachment_trial_of_Don...
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_impeachment_trial_of_Do...
The idea that they are "clerics" because they make a decision you disagree with is nonsensical.
https://verdict.justia.com/2023/05/03/how-did-six-conservati...
There is nothing mandating that a court has to put careful consideration between what is and isn’t official business.
And for every one of these rulings, which frankly were all him blatantly ignoring/violating the law in ways that even this court couldn't ignore, there were 10 cases where the courts moved forward conservative agendas.
Further, many of those rulings happened while Ginsberg was still alive with Roberts as the swing vote. That's no longer the makeup of the court.
You are playing the "yeah but what about" game. The reality is the supreme court just vested kingship on the next conservative president.
(Or you have the Coast Guard lead the mission with the SEALs as "advisors".)
The real reason you have a Second Amendment is to stop those pesky slaves from rising up and trying to obtain their freedom. [0]
Here's the funny bit. If you were even half the patriot you consider yourself to be, you'd more than agree with the issues I outlined above.
[0] https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/24/opinion/second-amendment-...
Try and remove citizenship from an extremely well-armed populous and see what happens.
(Bring on the "you need F-16s, man!" Guess to which side the overwhelming majority of the military and private arms ownership leans? Hint: it's not yours.)
It's not a question of what I believe, the fats and argument are outlined in the link previously provided.
And if the last few years in US politics has shown us anything, it's that some people choose to reject reality for one of their own making.
> Try and remove citizenship from an extremely well-armed populous and see what happens.
The only insurrection attempt in recent history came from the right, and the only presidential candidate who threatened to be a dictator also came from the right.
Gun nuts are also on the right and allegedly compare very much about rising up against an authoritarian government. Except if such a government would agree with them, I guess. What traitorous hypocrites.
Those people with guns won't ever do anything because they are all preparing for an imaginary Red Dawn type situation. If legislation sneaks up on them, if it's a 'threat' they can't shoot, they will be helpless to fight it.
That side has also shown how incredibly gullible they are, so the simplest information warfare will likely pacify them. Russia has certainly demonstrated how easy a group they are to control.
> Guess to which side the overwhelming majority of the military and private arms ownership leans? Hint: it's not yours.)
Ooooh scary! lol.
Anyway, I'm done with this convo. I'd rather not enable this kind of fantasizing any further. Cheers.
> There are a lot of parallels between Weimar Germany and the current state of the USA
It might be dysfunctional but largely in very different ways (unless you view it extremely superficially).
No what I mean is, why is it that Democrats, those of the '68 Chicago riots, sit-ins, Occupy Wallstreet, etc., are the ones saying "Nobody is above the law"? That was always Republicans when I was a kid.
You can't blame Kagan or Sotomayor or Brown for persecuting the opposition, they haven't been a part of whatever you're talking about. They're just the ones saying that they don't want the president to be a king.
And this is good no matter what party you like best. There are three branches, they're supposed to be a check against each other so that no one branch one can attain supreme power. Congress has already abdicated so much power[1] [2] to the Executive branch that honestly the Judicial is our last chance to restore those checks. And they're failing.
And if you think political persecution of the opposition will be over once Trump is re-elected I recommend reading some of what he's said about exactly that topic, then think about how it relates to this Supreme Court decision.[3]
[1] https://www.cato.org/commentary/congress-willingly-abdicatin...
[2] https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/emer...
[3] https://www.texastribune.org/2023/03/25/donald-trump-waco-ra...
Many Democrats have shown themselves to be unabashedly evil. What has happened to them? Apart from ballot stuffing to win and using exective power to target political opponents? And what has happened to the principled ones who put country before party? Apart from losing or being pushed to retire? One single indiscutable example: Biden is a racist. How many diversity-supporting, inclusive-praising Democrats support him?
Oh, another one: Biden is a liar and a pedophile. How many Democrats who focus so much on calling out lies voters and officials have refused to vote for him after his perpetual lieing?
> Seven Republican senators joined all Democratic and independent senators in voting to convict Trump, the largest bipartisan vote for an impeachment conviction of a U.S. president or former U.S. president. After the vote on the acquittal, Mitch McConnell said, "There's no question that President Trump is practically and morally responsible for provoking the events of the day." but he voted against conviction due to his interpretation of the United States Constitution.
It's worth noting that the Supreme Court ruling here probably disagrees with McConnell's interpretation of the Constitution in a way that should have changed his vote.
It would also be very easy for a court to decide that executing a political rival is not an official act and deny the President immunity.
Murdering political rivals isn't a core constitutional duty of the President with automatic immunity. If he orders Seal Team 6 to do it, it's an official act, for which he has a rebuttable presumption of immunity. That means the prosecution has to prove he hasn't got immunity.
Roberts at least strongly hints in the majority opinion that Trump's immunity for trying to coerce Pence to commit crimes on Jan. 6 should be rebuttable. If that's the bar then ordering Seal Team Six to kill people will definitely get a president sent to prison the day he leaves office, whether the regular way or by impeachment.
Immunity before impeachment has pretty much been the position of the Justice Department (I think wrongly btw) with regard to current presidents for decades, including the Biden justice department. This isn't as big of a change as it makes sense for the Democrats to make it out to be.
The reason Trump is now a convicted felon is due to conduct that happened while he ran for office.
Are we not allowed to call into question the legitimacy of someone who commits crimes to get elected, and then uses his position to cover up for those crimes?
You haven't been paying attention for long, have you?
Donald Trump was known as a fraudster and a genuine piece of shit since the 1980s at a minimum.
I grew up in a very wealthy suburb of NYC in the 90s and early 00s and was well aware of Donald Trump being a sideshow joke and a wannabe rich dude about 20 years before he was elected. Nobody in my hometown that had real money thought Donald Trump was anything besides a lawsuit-happy wannabe with midget hands.
Did you notice that the link in the comment you were replying to, has a photo of that “Appeal to Heaven” flag from a Black Lives Matter protest in 2020? And it seems clear it was being flown by BLM supporters, not anti-BLM counterprotestors.
You want to claim that other meanings are purely historical and in contemporary usage it exclusively means “white Christian nationalist”. If the only other examples of its usage people could point to were from decades ago, your argument might have some force. But, given we have photographic evidence of people with a diametrically opposite ideology using it less than 5 years ago, your argument is not very convincing.
Getting abstract and dissembling about it doesn't change the fact that the meaning is clear and obvious to anyone who isn't sea lioning. It's clear to their supporters because it needs to be to be effective.
> Maybe moving the definition of what constitutes a citizen like in Starship Troopers could work
> Those people with guns won't ever do anything
Only one way to find out.
https://www.pbs.org/newshour/amp/show/former-neighbor-disput...
We can dispute the specifics of his motivations but clearly these have not been simple cases of “I just like the flag.” It’s also pretty bizarre to fly the flag upside down for fun.
Weird. Sotomayor is one of the few credible justices we have.
Kagan's also a much better writer.
Can you cite any other law or precedent that would restrict him from doing so?
He will do as he pleases, and a GOP led congress will simply let him, laws and precedent be damned (and the Supreme Court will comply). A DEM led congress will throw up their hands in uproar, and then refuse to actually do anything.
It is nothing, because nothing came of it.
https://www.npr.org/2024/05/30/g-s1-1848/trump-hush-money-tr...
This, I believe, was originally set forth because the Senate was modeled as an “upper house” not subject to the whims of popular agitation (6 year terms vs 2 year terms. Appointment/selection by States vs direct election by district constituencies). The House, having more direct connections to the people is given the power to investigate and impeach a president, hopefully as a reflection of the public. The Senate, being composed of elder statesmen and slightly removed from the direct consequences of local constituents, is to be a check on potential rash impeachments.
So I’d dare say the impeachments were worth the paper the constitution was written on. The House impeached. The Senate tried, and acquitted him.
> that would never have happened.
What never would have happened? Some bizarre unknown chain-of-events which led to Trump staying in office? The occurrence which DEMs are somehow taking the heat for is the GOP outnumbering them and outvoting them in the senate to keep Trump in.
https://www.pbs.org/newshour/amp/show/former-neighbor-disput...
Their bogus excuse is very damning. Or at least real event they used as an excuse, but the timeline doesn’t make sense, so they’re lying.
The article you are citing is relying on the claims of an angry former neighbour. Why assume that the Alito's are lying or mistaken, when it seems just as possible that their ex-neighbour could be.
In any event, even if we assume the ex-neighbour's claims are 100% true, they still don't prove (1) that Martha Alito flew the flag with intention to express a highly specific political message, (2) even supposing that was her intention, it still doesn't prove Samuel Alito was supporting her expressive act, as opposed to simply allowing his wife to do what she wants to do.
Meanwhile we’re sending billions of dollars to obliterate a people in the Middle East which is a crime that will someday result in violence on our doorstep. Bill Clinton is on record flying to Epsteins island, and I could go on about the insane things our government has got away with.
I dont know anything about politics but that’s my reaction when people bring up “34 felonies”.
So you don't know what you're talking about and you're just making up scenarios in your head?
What do you think the odds are for this Supreme Court to declare e.g. that shredding official documents (or moving them to the president's private property) is an official act?
Again, citation needed. The whole problem today is that the category of immunity is so vague so as to be overly broad.
> It does not say that members of the military have immunity for following an unlawful order.
No, but it does say the President has an unreviewable pardon power to absolve them from any crime they are ordered by the President to commit.
> It would also be very easy for a court to decide that executing a political rival is not an official act and deny the President immunity.
It's now also very easy for a court to decide that it is. That is the problem.
Read the judgement. It's literally in the first pages.
> No, but it does say the President has an unreviewable pardon power to absolve them from any crime they are ordered by the President to commit.
A President can't pardon non-federal crimes or overturn the a conviction through impeachment as it would remove power from Congress and the Senate, which a President can't remove.
> It's now also very easy for a court to decide that it is. That is the problem.
Believing that ordering the assassination of elected officials would be considered lawful by judges is just so insane that it makes Alex Jones look like a legal scholar.
I read it. I read that it's absolute immunity in core function, which seems pretty damn broad to me. Can you explain how nonreviewable power over control of the military and DOJ fits the description of "limited"?
> A President can't pardon non-federal crimes
He won't need to -- the whole point of giving the President this broad unreviewable power was so that non federal officials couldn't harass the president by charging him with crimes for carrying out his official duties. Where again what constitutes an "official duty" is left up to SCOTUS.
> Believing that ordering the assassination of elected officials would be considered lawful by judges is just so insane that it makes Alex Jones look like a legal scholar.
The prospect of this very ruling was considered so insane by legal scholars so as to be implausible, and yet here we are!
Judges don't have to find the assassination of elected officials to be legal, they just have to find the Supreme Court doesn't allow them to use most of the evidence of that crime at trial, and that they must presume motive for the assassination was good. How do you prosecute that case? Can't subpoena any evidence because it wouldn't survive an "absolute immunity" challenge by the President's lawyers.
That is the implication of the plain text of this law, it's with Justice Sotomayor is worried about, and I think it's pretty beneath you to try to compare her vast level of expertise to Alex Jones.
That is a narrow standard. The only acts in this case which met that standard were discussions with Justice Department officials.
Everything else in this case was in fact remanded, and it remains within the power of the lower courts to deny Trump immunity on all other aspects of the case.
Your citation is exactly the bit that makes the President immune for directing Seal Team 6 to execute a political rival -- directing the military is within the President's "conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority". According to the Supreme Court, such a direction is now "absolute immunity from criminal prosecution".
But is it wrong? That's what the legal scholars I've read said, otherwise the PRA wouldn't be constitutional.
It's limited in scope, and still subject to impeachment, which immunity comes from because otherwise going through impeachment would be pointless.
> Can you explain how nonreviewable power over control of the military and DOJ fits the description of "limited"?
The President can't just kill anyone he wants, it's just a power he doesn't have. The President is not judge, jury and executioner. Having control doesn't mean you can do what you want with it.
> e won't need to -- the whole point of giving the President this broad unreviewable power was so that non federal officials couldn't harass the president by charging him with crimes for carrying out his official duties.
You're beginning to understand
> Where again what constitutes an "official duty" is left up to SCOTUS.
And?
> The prospect of this very ruling was considered so insane by legal scholars so as to be implausible, and yet here we are!
These same legal scholars were fine with not charging the last 4 presidents with war crimes and other atrocities. Because it was always the case, nothing has changed except limiting the scope of presidential immunity.
> Judges don't have to find the assassination of elected officials to be legal, they just have to find the Supreme Court doesn't allow them to use most of the evidence of that crime at trial, and that they must presume motive for the assassination was good. How do you prosecute that case? Can't subpoena any evidence because it wouldn't survive an "absolute immunity" challenge by the President's lawyers.
If the armed forces are killing politicians then at this point the Constitution is a mere piece of paper and no amount of super-majority or SCOTUS rulings is going to make a difference.
> That is the implication of the plain text of this law, it's with Justice Sotomayor is worried about, and I think it's pretty beneath you to try to compare her vast level of expertise to Alex Jones.
Sotomayor is an emotional militant judge and not taken seriously outside left leaning political militant circles. The oral hearings over the vaccine mandates is a good example: "but there are millions of dead children" she said crying. Yes, she did that. This is JFK assasination level conspiracy theory whether you like it or not.
Okay but the entire DOJ and military is a huge freaking scope, so what's the real limit here? We're talking about absolute nonreviewable control of the most powerful army and the biggest law firm on the planet.
> still subject to impeachment
This might be reassuring if we didn't go through two egregious examples of impeachment that didn't result in removal. In the first one, Trump attempted to us federal dollars to extort a bribe from a from the Ukrainian President. At the impeachment trial, Trump via Alan Dershowitz argued this conduct was okay because it was taken to increase his electoral chances, and Trump viewed his own election as benefitting America, therefore his actions were to benefit America and not grounds for removal. Because after all how can you be removed for doing what you think is best? From the trial:
“If a president does something which he believes will help him get elected in the public interest, that cannot be the kind of quid pro quo that results in an impeachment”
The Senate AGREED with that argument and acquitted him on the charges. So even in the case of extorting a bribe, impeachment is not operable as long as the executive claims the extortion and bribe were for the good of the country. The supreme court in their latest ruling seems to agree with this perspective.In the second impeachment, Trump attempted to stay in power by orchestrating a coup. Mitch McConnell all but voted to impeach, but fell short because in his view, the impeachment happened after POTUS left office and there was a criminal justice system to hold him accountable.
On the first part, well that just means the period between an election and inauguration is a now a crime-spree zone for any lame duck POTUS. They can commit any crimes they want using the DOJ and military during that period, and we know the Senate won't impeach because there's too little time for the impeachment to happen, and now we know the DOJ will probably not be able to prosecute due to this ruling hamstringing the types of evidence and charges that can be brought.
On the second part, we have yet to see whether the system of justice can hold him accountable for the coup. To date, it has not worked and it's been 3.5 years. So it's not clear the federal system of justice can hold any former executive accountable for any criminal conduct whatsoever. States have proven to be more effective at charging and trying criminal conduct, but we have yet to see if it results in any accountability.
So no, impeachment doesn't fix this system. This is a huge exploit. Since it was added intentionally we might call it a back door.
> The President can't just kill anyone he wants, it's just a power he doesn't have. The President is not judge, jury and executioner. Having control doesn't mean you can do what you want with it.
Who is going to stop him though? That's the thing people don't understand about executive power. Before the thing stopping that conduct was the thought it was illegal and he would be prosecuted for it after he left office. But now? Now as long as the act was "official", good luck proving it without evidence. Good luck even charging it.
How did people end up in Guantanamo Bay without trial? Tortured? Imprisoned for years without charges or a trial. Who stopped that from happening? What makes you think you're safe from the same treatment now?
> And?
Well that's a pretty big hole in your argument since you're trying to convince me the powers are limited. If the limits of the powers are currently unbounded and the bounds are left up to the people who just gave POTUS sweeping immunity over the DOJ and military, then what are the actual limitations? Neither you nor I nor the SCOTUS judges actually know, so your insisting that the powers are limited is not really true.
> These same legal scholars were fine with not charging the last 4 presidents with war crimes and other atrocities. nothing has changed except limiting the scope of presidential immunity.
The ones I had listened to had predicted some limited immunity around things like the military and DOJ, especially the DOJ.
> If the armed forces are killing politicians then at this point the Constitution is a mere piece
I mean... yes? The point is to raise the alarm before it gets that dire by pointing out the ways we can go from here to there. Are you suggesting that it's impossible the armed forces would kill politicians in America? Doesn't that happen elsewhere in the world? Hasn't there already been a civil war here?
> Sotomayor is an emotional militant judge and not taken seriously outside left leaning political militant circles.
Lol I wouldn't even say the same things about the right leaning justices, glad to see where your extreme biases are.
You have it exactly backward. The law is clear that "campaign expenses" cannot have any personal component. That makes sense, because the focus of the law is to prevent candidates from calling things "campaign expenses" that are actually for personal benefit. John Edwards was prosecuted for using campaign funds to keep his mistress silent because hiding an affair has a personal component in addition to a political component.
If Trump had been charged with a campaign-finance violation, his straightforward defense under well-established precedent would be that paying off Stormy Daniels had a personal component (avoiding personal embarrassment and his wife finding out), in addition to whatever effect it had on the campaign. The prosecution would have been required to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Trump's marriage was so dysfunctional that the only reason he would have paid off Stormy Daniels was the election.
That's why prosecutors didn't charge him with a campaign finance violation.
You also can't have your personal lawyer take out a loan and spend it on expenses for your campaign and not report that as a campaign expense.
If you're running for public office, you can't commit fraud to hide things from the electorate because you don't want them to find out. That can't be allowed in free and fair elections. If you get elected doing that, people have every reason to question your legitimacy. If you get caught and lie about it, expect people not to trust you. If you get charged with a crime related to that conduct, don't be surprised when a jury finds you guilty, because it's shady af. This is all very straightforward stuff.
No, I’m talking about the law. You’re wrong about what you think campaign finance law says.
> You also can't have your personal lawyer take out a loan and spend it on expenses for your campaign and not report that as a campaign expense.
The law is the exact opposite. You cannot call something a “campaign expense” if it is an expense you would incur “irrespective of the campaign.” (That’s the magic phrase in FEC regulations.) If you pay off your mistress and call it a campaign expense, you’ll be prosecuted for campaign finance violations, because the prosecutor would say that you could have non-campaign reasons to do that. John Edwards was prosecuted for doing exactly that.
The New York federal prosecutor (SDNY) investigated the exact theory you are talking about: charging Trump with a campaign finance violation. They didn’t bring the case because all Trump would have to do is prove that he would have paid off Stormy Daniels “irrespective of the campaign.”
> The law is the exact opposite.
As far as I know if you spend money on a campaign you have to report it. If you get someone to spend money for you, you have to report it.
Seems like what you're trying to say is he didn't have to report it because arguably it had a personal component. Okay but that apparently wasn't the case; after the trial it is clear the payments were mostly for the campaign and not to save his relationship or himself of personal embarrassment. If you're trying to say "well he wasn't charged that way so it can't be election fraud" then again, I think you're missing my point.
Either way, I'm left at trying to guess your point because you haven't been clear in making it.
> They didn’t bring the case because
And?? Leaving aside you don’t know why any prosecutor didn’t bring a case, what are you implying? Make your point instead of dancing around it for 2 days.
Whether a prosecutor thinks they can prove that at trial is a different matter. That he was charged under a different law doesn’t make the underlying conduct okay from an elections perspective whether or not some federal prosecutor decided to charge that.
Either way what he did was he committed fraud and lied about it as POTUS, committing some of those crimes in the Oval Office, all to increase the chances of being elected. That is not okay. That makes one arguably (and definitely in my mind) illegitimate as a public servant. Apparently it’s also a felony.
If you think that conduct is okay because of whatever technicalities you can come up with, you’re missing my entire point.
This is clearly an unlawful act that all military members are obligated not to obey.
> Testimony or private records of the President or his advisers probing such conduct may not be admitted as evidence at trial. Pp. 30-32.
"Citation needed"
[1] nytimes, https://archive.ph/fz52u